The Vedic Age
High-Yield Fact Sheet
📊 High-Yield Data & Statistical Fact Sheet
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| List the core quantitative markers, dates, inscriptional anchors, and institutional counts for the Vedic Age. | Identity, Chronology & Inscriptional Anchors:
Religious & Philosophic Literature Anchors:
Megalithic Culture (South Indian Iron Age) Anchors:
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Overview
Overview
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What is the central historical problem and transformation of the Vedic Age for UPSC Mains? | The Vedic Age as a Total Transformation: The composers of the *Rig Veda* described themselves as *arya*, a term that can be understood as cultural or ethnic and that generally indicates a cultural community. Identification of the place from which the Aryans came into India has long been contested; racial classification has been abandoned in favour of treating ‘Indo-European’ and ‘Indo-Aryan’ as linguistic terms, while the dominant modern historical view prefers several waves of Indo-Aryan migration over a single invasion, with subsequent expansion from the land of the seven rivers into the Ganga–Yamuna doab, eastern Uttar Pradesh, north Bihar, and, by the end of the Vedic age, parts of the Deccan. Parallel to this spatial expansion, Early Vedic society (`1500–1000 B.C.`) was a tribal, largely pastoral, kinship-based order centred on the *rajan*, popular assemblies, cattle wealth and naturalistic polytheism; Later Vedic society (`1000–600/500 B.C.`) registered a decisive shift towards hereditary and ritual-legitimated kingship, *janapada* territoriality, fourfold *varna*, agrarian sedentary life, iron technology, elaborate *yajnas*, and philosophical reaction culminating in the Upanishads — laying the groundwork for the sixteen *mahajanapadas* of the sixth century B.C. |
1. Original Home and Identity of Aryans
1. Original Home and Identity of Aryans
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How do the Rigvedic composers use the term arya, and what does the word literally mean? | Self-designation as *Arya*: The composers of the *Rig Veda* described themselves as *arya*, which can be understood as a cultural or ethnic term. The term *Arya* occurs 36 times in the *Rig Veda* and generally indicates a cultural community. The word literally means kinsman or companion, or it may be etymologically derived from *ar* (to cultivate). |
| Why is the original home of the Aryans still unresolved? | Divergence of Opinion: There has been a great divergence of opinion in the matter of identification of the place wherefrom the Aryans came into India. No firm conclusion is, therefore, possible in this regard. The problem of identification of the original home of the Aryans has to be approached from both linguistic and racial points of view. |
2. Abandonment of Racial Classification
2. Abandonment of Racial Classification
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| How did colonial-era racial thinking shape early theories of Aryan origins? | Colonial Racial Framework: During the 19th and early 20th centuries, when large sections of Africa and Asia were colonized by European nations, many scholars thought about history in terms of the movement and interaction of different races. The trend was to classify people of the world into different races such as Caucasian, Mongoloid, Negroid, etc. on the basis of physical and other characteristics. They provided a pseudo-scientific justification for the European subjugation of Asian and African people, whom they presented as inferior races. For example, Penka and his school of thought approached the problem of the Indo-Aryans from a racial point of view and concluded that Germany was the original home of the Indo-Aryans. |
| How have modern anthropologists replaced older racial categories? | Abandonment of Race Categories: Today, most anthropologists have abandoned racial classifications. The old, prejudiced category of race, which presented people in different parts of the world as separate, unrelated, and unchanging entities, frozen in time, has been replaced by more meaningful and objective ways of classifying and understanding human cultures. |
3. Aryan as a Linguistic Group
3. Aryan as a Linguistic Group
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What do ‘Indo-European’ and ‘Indo-Aryan’ properly denote? | Linguistic, Not Racial, Terms: The terms ‘Indo-European’ and ‘Indo-Aryan’ have nothing to do with racial classifications. They are linguistic terms, referring to families of languages and their speakers. So, now it is thought of as a linguistic group of people who spoke Indo-European language from which later emerged Sanskrit, Latin, and Greek etc. |
| What did Sir William Jones and Max Muller establish about Aryan language? | Jones (1786) and Max Muller:Sir William Jones who in `1786` showed that Sanskrit and the European languages such as Greek, Latin, German, Celtic, Gothic, as also the Persian, had a common origin. The scholars have named this language group as the Indo-European language group. Max Muller also emphatically pointed out that scientifically speaking, Aryan means language and not race. |
| What lexical and Iranian evidence supports Indo-European affinity? | Lexical Affinity and Iranian Connection: This is reflected from the words in these languages which are similar in sound and meaning. Thus the Sanskrit words *matri* and *pitri* are similar to the Latin *mater* and *pater*. The Vedas reflect a close connection with Iran. On their way to India the Aryans first appeared in Iran, where the Indo-Iranians lived for a long time. But we do not know when, where, or why the Indo-Iranians and Indo-Aryans parted ways. The *Rig Veda* has many things in common with the *Avesta*, which is the oldest text in the Iranian language. The two texts use the same names for several gods and even for social classes. |
4. Earliest Specimens of the Indo-European Language
4. Earliest Specimens of the Indo-European Language
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| Where are some of the earliest specimens of Indo-European language found, and what Vedic parallels do they show? | Inscriptional Specimens and Vedic Equivalents: Some of the earliest specimens of the Indo-European language are found in:
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5. Theories of the Original Homeland
5. Theories of the Original Homeland
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What is the overall state of the homeland debate? | Continuing Debate: The original homeland of the Indo-Europeans and Indo-Aryans is the subject of continuing debate. The dominant view is that the Indo-Aryans came to the subcontinent as immigrants. Over the years, many original homelands have been proposed for the Indo-Aryans. One of the more widely accepted views locates the original homeland of the Aryans somewhere in the steppes stretching from southern Russia to Central Asia. Certain names of animals such as goats, dogs, horses, etc., and names of certain plants such as pine, maple, etc., are similar to one another in all the Indo-European languages. These common words indicate the fauna and flora of Eurasia. |
→ Europe as the Original Home of the Aryans
→ Europe as the Original Home of the Aryans
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What linguistic-geographic argument places Europe as the Aryan homeland? | European Homeland Argument: From this language affinity it is argued that the Indo-European languages, at least a large number of them, are crowded in Europe and some of them are found to stretch out in a narrow length reaching up to the region of the Punjab in the early Rig Vedic time. This has led many a scholar to conclude that the original home of the Aryans was Europe rather than India. |
→ Theory of Indigenous Origin of the Aryans
→ Theory of Indigenous Origin of the Aryans
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What literary arguments support Sapta-Sindhu as the original Aryan home? | Literary Case for Indigenous Origin: There is a mass of literary evidence to show that Sapta-Sindhu was regarded by the Vedic Aryans as their original home. Further, there is no reference to their coming into India from any outside country and it is not possible that the Aryans had forgotten all about their original home if it were anywhere out of India. In fact, there is an emotional association with the land of the origin of all migrating people. But no such evidence has been found in the literature of the Vedic Aryans. |
| How is linguistic affinity used for and against indigenous origin? | Critique of Linguistic Proof of Immigration: It has also been pointed out that linguistic affinity cannot be regarded as positive proof of immigration of the Aryans from any outside country. For in the Sanskrit language the largest number of vocables of the Aryan languages is found. But in parts of Europe, if it were the original home of the Indo-Aryans, it is inexplicable why only very few vocables are found in the languages of the European countries. It is also argued that the Aryan language and other languages of Aryan affinity came into existence due to the contacts between the migrating Aryans and non-Aryans out of India. |
| What argument from the high development of Vedic thought is advanced for indigenous origin? | Absence of Literary Traces Outside India: Another argument in support of this view is that the Vedic literature was the expression of the highly developed thoughts of the Aryans. If the Aryans had come to India from outside it would be natural to find some traces of their thoughts and literary activities in some of the places through which they had travelled. But no such record has been discovered at any place. To suggest that the Aryans had attained the highly developed literary and intellectual acumen after coming into India does not justify the absence of any record whatsoever in any of the places through which they had travelled into India. Such arguments have been put forward in support of the contention that the Vedic Aryans did not come from outside but were original inhabitants of India. But the overwhelming majority opinion is in favour of regarding the Aryans as a people who had migrated into India. |
6. The Aryan Invasion — A Myth or a Reality
6. The Aryan Invasion — A Myth or a Reality
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did the Aryans come to India according to migration-oriented sources? | Sources Showing Aryan Migration: The Aryans came to India in several waves. The earliest wave is represented by Rig Vedic people, who appeared in the subcontinent in about `1500 B.C.` |
→ Linguistic Evidences of Migration
→ Linguistic Evidences of Migration
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What linguistic similarities link the Rigveda and the Avesta, and Sanskrit with Latin? | Rigveda–Avesta and Lexical Parallels: Linguistic similarities have been found between the *Rigveda* and the *Avesta*. The *Rig Veda* has many things in common with the *Avesta*, which is the oldest text in the Iranian language. The two texts use the same names for several gods and even for social classes. The Sanskrit words *matri* and *pitri* are similar to the Latin *mater* and *pater*. |
→ Archaeological Evidences of Migration
→ Archaeological Evidences of Migration
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What archaeological materials have been linked to Aryan advent? | Material Traces Linked to Aryans: We do not find clear and definite archaeological traces of their advent. But there are some archaeological evidences. Possibly they used socketed axes, bronze dirks and swords, which have been discovered in north-western India. The Painted Grey Ware Pottery, which has been dated between `900 B.C.` to approximately `500 B.C.`, has been repeatedly connected with Aryan craftsmanship. Similarities in pottery forms, paintings on ceramics and forms of copper objects etc. between post-Harappan and the West Asian/Iranian Chalcolithic assemblages were magnified to support the view that the Aryans were a group of people who migrated from West Asia to the Indian subcontinent. Archaeological evidences of the horse and horse sacrifice have been found in southern Tajikistan in Central Asia and in the neighbouring Swat valley in Pakistan. Thus, literary and archaeological sources were made to support one another in order to validate the notion of migration. |
→ Why Evidence Does Not Validate Aryan Invasion
→ Why Evidence Does Not Validate Aryan Invasion
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| Why do linguistic and artefact similarities fail to prove large-scale invasion? | Limits of Linguistic and Artefactual Similarity: However, it doesn’t validate the notion of Aryan invasion. Linguistic similarities between the *RigVeda* and the *Avesta* are not disputed. But such similarity does not really suggest large-scale migration (i.e. no invasion) of people into the Indian subcontinent. The similarities which have been found between chalcolithic artefacts of India and those of Western Asia are only occasional. They also do not suggest large-scale migration of people. The concept of an “Aryan”, as stated before, cannot be equated with any particular type of pottery. It also does not have any ethnic or racial significance. Therefore, the ‘Aryan’ is at best a vague concept, related to linguistic similarity between people. |
| Did the Indo-Aryans cause the downfall of the Harappan civilization? | Harappan Decline and the *Purandara* Argument: Earlier scholars believed that the Indo-Aryans caused the downfall of the Harappan civilization by destroying the Harappan towns and cities. They quoted Rigvedic hymns which invoke Indra to destroy the dwellers of the forts. But archaeological evidence has shown that the decline of the Harappan civilization was not caused by any large-scale destruction brought about by an alien invading group. |
| Why does Painted Grey Ware fail to support an invasion route? | PGW Distribution and the Invasion Route: Attempts to identify the makers of Painted Grey Ware with the Aryans also do not receive strong support from archaeological evidence. If the PGW cultures related to the Aryans, then keeping the theory of invasion in mind, we should have found this pottery type in the areas of Bahawalpur and Punjab i.e. along the route taken by the so-called Aryan migrants. However, we find these pottery types confined to a particular geographical region comprising Haryana, Upper Ganga basin and eastern Rajasthan. |
| What do Bhagwanpura, Dadheri and Manda show about Late Harappan–PGW continuity? | Cultural Continuity, Not Invasion Break: It was earlier thought that there exists a time gap and hence a cultural discontinuity between the late Harappan and the post-Harappan chalcolithic period. However, recent excavations at Bhagwanpura, Dadheri (Haryana), and Manda (Jammu) have shown that the Late Harappan and Painted Grey Wares could be found together without any breaks. Hence “invasion” cannot be proved on the basis of the excavated sites. What disappeared after `1750 B.C.` were the town and cities of the Harappan civilization and such artefacts as the seals, weights, measures etc. — i.e. articles connected with trade and urbanism. The rural structure of the earlier period continued into the second and the first millennium B.C. The variation found in the archaeological remains of the post-Harappan period — in pottery, metal implements and other objects — may also represent “regional” variations in Indian chalcolithic cultures. |
→ Modified Archaeological Views on the Vedic Aryans
→ Modified Archaeological Views on the Vedic Aryans
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| In what ways has archaeology modified older views of the Vedic Aryans? | Two Principal Modifications: Archaeological evidence relating to the period between second millennium B.C. and first millennium B.C. has thus helped us modify existing views regarding the Vedic ‘Aryans’ in several ways.
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| What theory has replaced the idea of an Aryan invasion? | Waves of Migration, Not Invasion: Today, most historians have discarded the idea of an Aryan invasion of the Indian subcontinent in favor of a theory of several waves of Indo-Aryan migrations. Superior military technology and the use of the horse and chariot may have given the immigrants the crucial initial advantage, enabling them to establish their political dominance in the land of the seven rivers. |
7. Early Aryan Settlement and Geography
7. Early Aryan Settlement and Geography
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| Where did the earliest Aryans settle according to the geographical horizon of the Rigvedic hymns? | Initial Settlement Zone: The geographical horizon of the Rigvedic hymns gives us an idea of initial Aryan settlement in the subcontinent. The earliest Aryans lived in eastern Afghanistan, Panjab and the fringes of western Uttar Pradesh. Though not adequately supported by the archaeological evidence, this is clearly borne out by the *Rigveda* which refers to the western tributaries of the Indus: the Gomati (modern Gomal), the Krumu (modern Kurram) and the Kubha (modern Kabul). The Suvastu (Swat) is the most important river mentioned to the north of Kabul. The name implies ‘fair dwellings’ and may be evidence for Aryan settlements in the Swat valley. But the main focus of the Rigvedic culture seems to have been the Panjab and Delhi region. The Sindhu, identical with the Indus, is the river par excellence of the Aryans, and it is repeatedly mentioned. In the *Rig Veda*, we find the Aryans as conquerors and settlers on the banks of the Indus and its five branches; and India beyond the Sutlej was almost unknown to them. |
| Which rivers define the Rigvedic landscape and the land of the seven rivers? | Rivers of the Rigvedic Horizon: Other frequently mentioned rivers are the Sindhu (Indus), the Saraswati (identified with the Ghaggar-Hakra channel in Haryana and Rajasthan), the Drishadvati (Ghaggar) and the five streams which collectively gave their name to the Panjab (five waters): the Shutudri (Satlej), Vipas (Beas), Parushni (Ravi), Asikni (Chenab), and Vitasta (Jhelum). The geographical knowledge of the early Aryans does not seem to have extended beyond the Yamuna, which is mentioned in the *Rigveda*. The whole region in which the Aryans first settled in the Indian subcontinent is called the Land of the seven rivers, represented by the Indus and its principal tributaries. This area largely covers the northwestern part of South Asia up to river Yamuna. The seven rivers included Sindhu, Vitasta (Jhelum), Asikni (Chenab), Parushni (Ravi), Vipash (Beas), Shutudri (Sutlej) and the Sarasvati. |
| What country-names, mountain, sea and desert details appear in the Vedic geographical horizon? | Country Names, Mountains, Seas and Deserts: In the early period the Aryans used the term Sapta Saindhavas as the region where they settled down (used in the context of country); in the later period the country of the Aryan was also designated as Aryavarta (most of northern India). During Rig Vedic time the focus of Aryan culture was the region between the Yamuna and Sutudri (Sutluj), and along the upper course of the river Saraswati. Out of thirty-one rivers mentioned in the Vedic texts, about twenty-five names occur in the hymns of the *Rig-Veda* alone. In the *Nadistuti*, the *Rig-Veda* enumerates several streams most of which belong to the Indus system. Later Vedic texts mention rivers such as the Narmada, Gandak, Chambal, etc. The Rig Vedic people knew about the Himalayas but did not mention the land south of the Yamuna, nor the Vindhyas or Satpura. Other hills referred to are Arjika, Mujavant, Silament (Suleman range), etc., all ridges of the Himalayas. Reference of seas in the early Rig Vedic text is doubtful: the word *samudra* in the *Rig Veda* mainly denotes a collection of water and not sea in this period; in later-Vedic literature *Samudram* actually means the sea. References to eastern and western oceans in the *Satapatha Brahmana* indicate acquaintance with the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea in the later Vedic era; later Vedic texts also refer to seas and sea voyages (suggesting commerce stimulated by new arts and crafts). The Rig Vedic Aryans were not familiar with any kind of desert; an implied reference to Maru as the country of desert mounds near Kurukshetra has been traced in *Taittiriya Aranyaka*. Later Vedic texts give three broad divisions of India: Aryavarta (Northern India), Madhyadesa (Central India), and Dakshinpatha (Southern India). |
→ Rigvedic Rivers: Identification Table
→ Rigvedic Rivers: Identification Table
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| Map Rigvedic river names to their modern identifications as given in the source. | River Identifications:
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8. Early Vedic Political Life (1500–1000 B.C.)
8. Early Vedic Political Life (1500–1000 B.C.)
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What were the administrative divisions of Early Vedic polity? | Administrative Divisions: The basic unit of political organization was *kula* or family. Several families joined together on the basis of their kinship to form a village or *grama*. The leader of *grama* was known as *gramani*. A group of villages constituted a larger unit called *visu* or district. It was headed by *vishayapati*. The highest political unit was called *jana* or tribe. There were several tribal kingdoms during the Rig Vedic period such as Bharatas, Matsyas, Yadus and Purus. The head of the kingdom was called as *rajan* or king. The word *Rajan* of the *Rig Veda* refers to a ‘chieftain’ rather than as ‘king’ and his main task was to protect his people, cattle and to lead them to victory in war. |
| What form of government characterised Early Vedic political organisation? | Form of Government: It was a tribal system of government in which the military element was strong. There was no civil system or territorial administration because people were in a stage of perpetual expansion, migrating from one area to another. The administrative machinery of Aryans in the Rig Vedic period worked with the tribal chief in the centre. He was called *Rajan*. The people were attached to the tribe, since the territory or the kingdom was not yet established. The term *jana* occurs at about 275 places in the *Rig Veda*, and the term *janapada* or territory is not used even once. |
→ The King / Rajan / Chief
→ The King / Rajan / Chief
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| How was the Early Vedic rajan appointed, what were his powers and duties, and what limited him? | Position and Duties of the *Rajan*: The king enjoyed a position of pre-eminence in the tribe. He was appointed by the priest as king in the ‘*Abhisheka*’ Ceremony. It seems that in the Rig Vedic period the king’s post had become hereditary. However, the *rajan* was kind of chief, and he did not exercise unlimited power, for he had to reckon with the tribal organization. We have traces of election of the king by the tribal assembly called the *samiti*. Though the succession in one family was known, that was not based on the rule of primogeniture. He was the protector of his tribe. He protected its cattle, fought its wars and offered prayers to gods on its behalf. He was required to be ‘Indra’ in valour, ‘Mitra’ in kindness and ‘Varuna’ in virtues. Maintenance of law and order was his principal duty. He maintained justice with the help of *Purohitas*. In Early Vedic age, *Bali* refers to tribute periodically offered by the clansmen to the *Rajan* but it was voluntary and a regular taxation system had not yet emerged. |
→ Officials and Administrative Machinery
→ Officials and Administrative Machinery
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| Which functionaries assisted the Early Vedic rajan, and what were their roles? | Officials: In the work of administration the king was assisted by a number of functionaries like the *Purohita* (priest), the *senani* (general), the *Gramani* (village headman) and the *spsa* (spies). *Purohita* (or priest) was the most important officer of the state. Two priests who played a major role during Rig Vedic period are Vasishtha and Vishvamitra. Vasistha was conservative and Vishvamitra was liberal. The priests inspired the chief for action and lauded the exploits in return for handsome rewards in cows and women slaves. The next important functionary seems to be the *Senani* (commander of the army). The army was mainly consisting of *Patti* (infantry) and *Rathins* (chariots). The *sena* or army was not a permanent fighting group and consisted of able bodied tribesmen who were mobilized at the time of the wars. *Takshan*, the carpenter and *rathakara*, the chariot maker were responsible for making chariots. The weapons used by the soldiers were bows, arrows, swords, axes and spears. There is no official mentioned as a collector of taxes. The people offered to the chief what is called *bali*. It was just a voluntary contribution made by the ordinary tribesmen on special occasions. The *Rig Veda* doesn’t mention any officer for administering justice. But it was not an ideal society. There were cases of theft and burglary, and especially we hear about the theft of cows. Spies were employed to keep an eye on such unsocial activities. The officer who enjoyed authority over a large pasture ground is called *Vrajapati*. He led heads of the families called *kulapas*, or the heads of the fighting hordes called *gramanis*, to battle. *Gramani* was the chief of the village. He looked after the affairs of the village, both civil and military. |
→ Popular Assemblies
→ Popular Assemblies
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What were the Early Vedic popular assemblies and how did they limit royal power? | *Sabha*, *Samiti*, *Vidatha*, *Gana* and *Parishad*: The *Rajan* was helped in his task by the tribal assemblies called *sabha*, *samiti*, *vidatha*, *gana* and *parishad*. Out of these *sabha* and *samiti* were the most important assemblies. The former seems to have been a council of elders and the latter, a general assembly of the entire people. All aspects of life were discussed in these assemblies. These may include wars, distribution of the spoils of wars, judicial and religious activities etc. Thus these assemblies in a way limited the powers of the chiefs. Interestingly, women were also allowed to participate in the deliberations of the *sabha* and *samiti*. Such assemblies played an important role in the redistribution of resources and maintaining an egalitarian society. |
9. Later Vedic Political Changes
9. Later Vedic Political Changes
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| How did chiefship, territory and popular control change in the Later Vedic period? | Hereditary Kingship, Territory and Waning Assemblies: The nature of chiefship changed in this period. The chiefship had become hereditary. The idea of the divine nature of kingship gets a mention in the literature of this period. The post generally went to the eldest son. However, this succession was not always smooth. The *Mahabharata* tells us that Duryodhana usurped power, which led to war. The Bharata battle shows that kingship knows no kinship. However, still we get some traces of the election of the chief or the king appear in later Vedic texts. The one who was considered the best in physical and other qualities was elected *raja*. In later Vedic texts, the *Rajan* emerged as the wielder of supreme political power which involved his distancing himself from his kinsmen. Hereditary kingship was also emerging. Terms such as *samrajya* and *Samrat* reflect the imperial aspirations and ambitions of kings. Later Vedic texts reflect a transition from a tribal polity based on lineage to a territorial state. The territorial idea gained ground. Many *jana* or tribes were amalgamated to form *janapadas* or *rashtras* in the later Vedic period. Hence the royal power had increased along with the increase in the size of kingdom. The dominant tribes gave their names to territories. The people started to lose their control over the chief. The authority of the popular assemblies started waning. The *Vidatha* completely disappeared. The *sabha* and *samiti* continued to hold the ground, but their character changed. They came to be dominated by chiefs and rich nobles. Women no longer permitted to sit on the *sabha*, and it was now dominated by nobles and brahmanas. In later Vedic times, *Bali* gradually became obligatory. |
| How did rituals, taxation and administration strengthen Later Vedic kingship? | Ritual Legitimation, Taxes and Rudimentary Administration: The king’s influence was strengthened by rituals, and performing many sacrifices. It provided legitimacy to the king. *Rajasuya* sacrifice was supposed to confer supreme power on him. *Ashwamedha* sacrifice meant unquestioned control over an area in which the royal horse ran uninterrupted. *Vajapeya* or the chariot race: in which the royal chariot was made to race against kinsmen. All these rituals impressed the people with the increasing power and prestige of the king. The chiefs of this period belonged to the *kshatriya varna* and they in league with the brahmanas tried to establish complete control over the people in the name of *dharma*. During this period collection of taxes and tributes seems to have become common. They were probably deposited with an officer called *sangrihitri*. The epics tell us that at the time of big sacrifices large-scale distributions were made by the princes and all sections of people were fed sumptuously. In the discharge of duties the king was assisted by the priest, the commander, the chief queen and a few other high functionaries. At the lower level, the administration was possibly carried on by village assemblies, which may have been controlled by the chiefs of the dominant clans. A rudimentary army too emerged as an important element of the political structure during this period. But, even in later Vedic times the king did not possess a standing army. Tribal army were still mustered in times of war, and according to one ritual for success in war, the king had to eat along with his people (*vis*) from the same plate. |
| How did the nature of tribal conflict change, and had the territorial state fully emerged? | Changed Tribal Conflicts and Incomplete State Formation: The nature of the intra-tribal and inter-tribal conflict also changed. Fights were no longer mere skirmishes over cattle, now the acquisition of land was an important element in these disputes. The necessity of increasing territory can be connected with the growth of population within the tribes. Iron weapons and light wheeled chariots driven by horses raised the efficiency of the fighters. The *Mahabharata* depicts an intra-clan warfare between the Kauravas and the Pandavas of the Kuru clan. However, all these elements do not show that a *janapada* or territorial state with all its attributes such as a standing army and bureaucracy had emerged in the later Vedic period but the process has started and soon after the Vedic period in the sixth century B.C. we notice the rise of sixteen *mahajanapadas* in northern India. |
→ Implications of Complex Sacrificial Rituals of Kingship
→ Implications of Complex Sacrificial Rituals of Kingship
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What were the structural implications of elaborate Later Vedic kingship rituals? | Resource Mobilisation, Ritualised Contests and Display: The sacrifice is presented as the act that created the world, and the correct performance of sacrifice was seen as necessary to regulate life and the world. One of the major features of the later Vedic texts are elaborate descriptions and prescriptions for complex rituals such as *Rajasuya*, *Ashwamedha*, *Vajapeya*, *Agnihotra* etc. The Brahmana texts reflect a situation where sacrifices had become longer, more elaborate, and expensive which had several implications. While some sacrifices involved the participation of just one priest, others involved many more, and the ritual specialists were extremely important. The *dakshina* was an important part of the sacrifice, and as the sacrifices became longer and more complicated, it became larger and larger. Rituals were extremely long. Each one of these rituals involved the mobilisation of resources. These included raw materials for food for all those who were expected to witness the ritual, as well as sacrificial materials, including animals, and of course the articles that were to be given to the priests as *dakshina*. Some of these may have come in as voluntary gifts, others were probably obtained through a show of force. Each of these rituals was marked by the ritualisation of what may have been actual contests for power. For instance, the high point of the *vajapeya* was the chariot race which inevitably ended in the victory of the sacrificer/*yajamana*. Similarly, the *yajamana*’s victory was automatically ensured in the game of dice that formed part of the *rajasuya*. The ritualisation of contests meant that the outcome was a foregone conclusion, and victory could be connected to divine support. The ritual provided the potential or actual chief/king with an occasion for displaying his power and resources. Most of the sacrifices would have included visual displays, including ritual drama such as mounting the throne, or the *abhisheka*, the sprinkling of *yajamana* with waters that were regarded as sacred and empowering. The *abhisheka* was followed by the public proclamation of the change of status of the *raja*, who was now announced as the *raja* of the *vis*, with the brahmanas claiming exemption from subordination to *Raja* in the same context. Throughout, moreover, the *raja* was equated with the gods, especially with deities like Indra and Prajapati, but also, to a lesser extent, with Varuna and Soma. It is clear that the objective behind such elaborate displays was to overawe spectators with a sense of the power of the *raja*. |
| What were the specific kingship-linked sacrifices and their fertility/power symbolism? | *Vajapeya*, *Ashvamedha* and *Rajasuya*: The *vajapeya* sacrifice was connected with the attainment of power and prosperity, and also contained a number of fertility rites. It included a ritual chariot race in which the *rajan* raced against his kinsmen and defeated them. The *ashvamedha* was a sacrifice associated with claims to political paramountcy and incorporated horse sacrifice and several fertility rites. For instance the *Asvamedha yajna* required the chief queen to lie next to the sacrificial horse, where the queen represented the earth, and this ritual was thought to ensure the prosperity of the king. The *rajasuya* was the royal consecration ceremony. Apart from a number of agrarian fertility rites, it included a ritual cattle raid in which the *rajan* raided the cattle of his kinsmen and also a game of dice which the king won. At a larger, symbolic level, in the *rajasuya*, the king was presented as standing in the centre of the cyclical processes of regeneration of the universe. A number of agricultural rituals were performed in the *Rajasuya* and the *Vajapeya yajna*. The periodical rejuvenation of the earth and its fertility are some of the themes which were included in the ceremonial *yajnas*. Firstly, these *yajnas* established the authority of the chiefs over the people, and secondly, they reinforced the territorial aspect of the polity since people from all over the kingdom were invited to these sacrifices. |
| Why did kingship rituals not always achieve their desired political impact? | Limits and Resistance to Ritual Kingship: Though the *Raja* did impress the people, there were other situations where the response was not so neat. In the first place, mobilising resources may not have been easy, and those who did garner these may not have wished to waste them on performing rituals. We have long discussions on the futility of rituals in the Upanisadic, Buddhist and Jaina traditions, and in some instances, the participants are identified as *ksatriyas*. So some *ksatriyas* may have been averse to ritual activity. Many of the rituals were meant to ensure the subordination of social categories. For instance, in the *asvamedha*, the sacrificial animals were arranged so as to ensure that the other social groups (including women) remained subservient. One can suggest that these groups may have resisted such subordination and may have withdrawn from participation in the rituals. In any case, while these rituals did not die down completely, they were replaced by other means of claiming and legitimising access to political power. |
→ Sacrifice as Ritual and Social Exchange
→ Sacrifice as Ritual and Social Exchange
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did sacrifice function as ritual practice and as a form of social exchange in Vedic India? | Ritual Practice: Deities were worshipped through prayer and sacrificial rituals (*yajnas*). The sacrifice marked a movement from the every day, mundane sphere of activity and experience to the sacred sphere. The gods are presented as powerful, mostly benevolent beings, who could be made to intervene in the world of men via the performance of sacrifices. Sacrifices took place in the house of the *yajmana* or on a specially prepared plot of land nearby. They consisted mostly of oblations of milk, ghee and grain poured into the fire accompanied by the recitation of appropriate sacrificial formulae. Some *yajnas* involved the sacrifice of animals. The gods were supposed to partake of the offerings as they were consumed by the fire. A part of the offerings were eaten by the officiating priests. The goals of the sacrifices included wealth, herd, good crops, success in skirmishes and raids, good health, sons and long life for the *yajmanas*. The ritual of sacrifice was believed to sustain the well-being of the clan and the system. Some sacrifices were simple, domestic affairs, performed by the house holders. Others required the participations of rituals specialists. Seven types of sacrificial priests are mentioned in the *Rig Veda* — each with his particular tasks clearly laid down. The *agnihotra* was a simple domestic sacrifice to be performed daily by a head of a *dvija* household, morning and evening. It involved the pouring of oblations of milk into the fire to the god Agni. There were also the periodic new moon and full moon sacrifices and those performed at the beginning of the three seasons. *Soma* was a ritual drink mentioned in *Rig Veda* which was used during sacrificial ritual. |
| How did public sacrifice redistribute wealth and empower priests and rajas? | Social Exchange and Political Economy of Sacrifice: The priests were given *dakshina* (fee) in return for the important duties they performed. The *dakshina* given to priests became larger and larger as the sacrifices became longer and more complicated. Small oblations were restricted to the domestic sacrifice, but from time to time larger sacrifices were organized for which the clan brought substantial prestations. The public sacrifice was a solemn occasion, but it also released energies through the general conviviality that followed at its conclusion. The wealth collected by the *raja* through voluntary tribute and prestations from the *vish* was consumed in the ritual and in the distribution of gifts at the end to other *rajas* and to the priests. The giving of gifts was believed to ensure a return of gifts in even greater amount. Sacrificial rites tended to increase power of the priest, without whom the sacrifice could not take place, and of the *raja* who possessed the wealth it required. Collecting this wealth meant pressurizing the *vish* to part with their produce. The sacrifice assisted the *kshatriya* to assert greater power over the *vish* and the *shudra*. The public sacrifices were occasions when the wealth of a *raja* was collected and displayed via the rituals. This wealth was consumed, and whatever remained was gifted, with some being deliberately destroyed through forms of ritual which were part of the display. The patron of the sacrifice, the *yajamana*, generally a *raja*, and each competed with his peers in the magnificence of the occasion and the generosity of the gifts. Such competitions in the display of wealth established the status and power of the *yajamana*, encouraging his belief that even more wealth would come his way. The *raja*’s gifts to the priests enriched and empowered the Brahmans. The sacrifice prevented the *raja* from accumulating wealth to the point where his status would be based on economic power rather than ritual sanction. Yet the former was necessary to create the type of kingship associated with the notion of a state in which the king controlled the accumulation and distribution of wealth, among other things. In order to accumulate the required wealth for these sacrifices, the *raja* would have made bigger demands on the *vish*, in the form of offerings and prestations, and would have needed to create a rudimentary administration for support. The point at which wealth could be accumulated and spent on a variety of adjuncts to authority marked the point at which kingship was beginning to draw on political authority, rather than ritual authority alone. However, the ritual of sacrifice as a necessary precondition to kingship could not become a permanent feature. Once kingdoms were established there were other demands on the wealth that went to support the kingdoms. At one level, the questioning of the centrality of the ritual was encouraged by new perceptions of the relationship between the human and the divine. At another level, greater production of wealth in the middle Ganges Plain on the eve of urbanization, not all of which could be consumed in rituals, allowed for *rajas* accumulating wealth and this contributed towards a change in the requirements of society and polity. |
10. Tribal Conflicts
10. Tribal Conflicts
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What military advantages and types of conflict characterized early Aryan warfare? | Military Technology and Two Types of Conflict: We know little about the weapons of the adversaries of the Aryan peoples, although we hear of many defeats inflicted by Indra on the enemies of the Aryans. In the *Rig Veda* Indra is called *Purandara*, which means that he was the breaker of forts. But we cannot identify the forts held by the pre-Aryans. The Aryans succeeded everywhere because they possessed chariots driven by horses, and introduced them for the first time into West Asia and India. The Aryan soldiers were probably equipped also with coats of mail (*varman*) and better arms. The Aryans were engaged in two types of conflicts: first, they fought with the pre-Aryans indigenous inhabitants, and secondly, they fought amongst themselves. |
→ Conflict with the Indigenous Inhabitants
→ Conflict with the Indigenous Inhabitants
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How does the Rigveda portray the Panis? | The Panis: Many passages in the *Rigveda* show a general feeling of hostility towards the people known as Panis. Described as wealthy, they refused to patronize the Vedic priests or perform Vedic rituals, and stole cattle from the Aryans. We learn about another people called the Panis who were wealthy in cattle treasures. The term *Pani* came to be associated with merchants and wealth in the subsequent ages. The Panis, who were the enemies of the Vedic people, are stated in the *Rigveda* to have hidden their wealth, mostly cows, in the mountains and forests. The Vedic god Indra was invoked to release these cattle. This reference suggests that cattle raids were common. |
| Who were the Dasas and Dasyus, and how did Aryans treat each differently? | Dasas and Dasyus: More hated than the Panis were the Dasas and Dasyus. Since the *dasas* are also mentioned in the ancient Iranian literature (*Dahaes*), they seem to have been a branch of the early Aryans. The *Rig Veda* mentions the defeat of non-Aryan Sambara by a chief called Divodasa, who belonged to the Bharata clan. In this case the term *dasa* appears in the name Divodasa, indicates his Aryan antecedents. Possibly the *dasyus* in the *Rig Veda* represent the original inhabitants of the country, and an Aryan chief who overpowered them was called Trasadasyu. The Aryan chief was soft towards the *dasas*, but strongly hostile to the *dasyus*. In the *Rig Veda* instances of the slaughter of the Dasyus (*dasyu-hatya*) outnumber references to conflicts with the Dasas, thus giving the impression that the Rigvedic Aryans were not as hostile to them. The term *dasyuhatya*, slaughter of the *dasyus*, is repeatedly mentioned in the *Rig Veda*. The *dasyus* possibly worshipped the phallus and did not keep cattle for dairy products. The Dasas are described as dark, full-lipped, snub-nosed, worshippers of the phallus and of hostile speech. The *dasas* and *dasyus*, who were conquered by the Aryans, were treated as slaves and shudras. Thus the *Rigveda* mentions *arya varna* and *dasa varna*. |
| What Iranian linguistic parallels and cultural characterizations attach to Dasas and Dasyus? | Indo-Iranian Parallels and Cultural Characterization: *Dasyu* corresponds to *dahyu* in the ancient Iranian language. It has therefore been suggested that conflicts between the Rigvedic tribes and the Dasyus were those between the two main branches of the Indo-Aryan peoples who came to India in successive waves. The Dasas and Dasyus were most likely people who originally belonged to the Aryan speaking stock and in course of their migration into the subcontinent they acquired cultural traits very different from those of the Rigvedic people. Not surprisingly, the *Rigveda* describes them as ‘black-skinned’, ‘malignant’, and ‘non sacrificing’ and speaking a language totally different from that of the Aryans. |
→ Conflict Amongst Themselves: Battle of Ten Kings
→ Conflict Amongst Themselves: Battle of Ten Kings
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did inter-Aryan conflict sometimes involve non-Aryan allies? | Internal Wars and Non-Aryan Support: The Aryans fought amongst themselves and sometimes enlisted the support of the non-Aryan peoples for the purpose. The most important of the tribal wars to which the *Rigveda* refers was the Battle of Ten Kings (*dasarajna*). |
| What were the causes, parties, course and consequences of the Battle of Ten Kings? | Battle of Ten Kings (*Dasarajna*): The Bharata ruling clan was opposed by a host of ten kings, five of whom were heads of Aryan tribes and the remaining five of non-Aryan peoples. Sudas, we are told, was the king of the Bharata tribe settled in the western Panjab. Vishvamitra was his chief priest, who had led him to victorious campaigns on the Vipas and the Shutudri. Later Sudas dismissed Vishvamitra and appointed Vasishtha, who possessed greater knowledge of the priestly lore. Vishvamitra, feeling slighted, formed a confederacy of ten tribes, five of whom were important and are frequently referred to in the *Rigveda* as *panchajanah* (five tribes). The battle that was fought between the Bharatas on the one hand and the host of ten kings on the other is known as the Battle of Ten Kings. This battle was fought on the river Parushni, identical with the river Ravi, and it gave victory to Sudas and established the supremacy of the Bharatas. Of the defeated tribes the most important was that of the Purus. Subsequently the Bharatas joined hands with the Purus and formed a new ruling tribe called the Kurus. The Kurus combined with the Panchalas, and they together established their rule in the upper Gangetic basin where they played an important part in later Vedic times. |
11. Expansion in the Later Vedic Period (1000–500 B.C.)
11. Expansion in the Later Vedic Period (1000–500 B.C.)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did Aryan settlement expand eastward in the Later Vedic period, and what material culture marks this phase? | Eastward Expansion and PGW Horizon: Aryans gradually moved eastward; they came to occupy eastern U.P. (Kosala) and north Bihar (Videha) during the Later Vedic period. In the same period and in the same area, digging and exploration have brought to light nearly 700 sites inhabited for the first time. These are called Painted Grey Ware (PGW) sites because they were inhabited by people who used earthen bowls and dishes made of painted grey pottery. The pottery known as Painted Grey Ware has been generally associated with the later Vedic people. They also used iron weapons. With the combined evidence from the later Vedic texts and PGW Iron-phase archaeology we can form an idea of the life of the people in the first half of the first millennium B.C. in western Uttar Pradesh and adjoining areas of Panjab, Haryana and Rajasthan. The texts show that the Aryans expanded from Panjab over the whole of western Uttar Pradesh covered by the Ganga–Yamuna doab. The Rig Vedic phase coincides with a pre-iron phase of the PGW. |
→ Kuru–Panchala Power and the Battle of the Bharata
→ Kuru–Panchala Power and the Battle of the Bharata
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did the Bharatas and Purus form the Kuru–Panchala political complex? | Formation of Kuru–Panchala Authority: The Bharatas and Purus, the two major tribes, combined and thus formed the Kuru people. In the beginning they lived between the Sarasvati and the Drishadvati just on the fringe of the doab. Soon the Kurus occupied Delhi and the upper portion of the doab, the area called Kurukshetra or the land of the Kurus. Gradually they coalesced with a people called the Panchalas, who occupied the middle portion of the doab. The authority of the Kuru–Panchala people spread over Delhi and the upper and middle parts of the doab. They set up their capital at Hastinapur situated in the district of Meerut. |
| What is the historical significance of the battle of the Bharata and how does archaeology relate to Hastinapur in the Mahabharata? | Battle of the Bharata and Hastinapur: The history of the Kuru tribe is important for the battle of the Bharata, which is the main theme of the great epic called the *Mahabharata*. This war is supposed to have been fought around `950 B.C.` between the Kauravas and the Pandavas, although both of them belonged to the Kuru clan. As a result practically the whole of the Kuru clan was wiped out. Excavations at Hastinapur, datable to the period `900 B.C.` to `500 B.C.`, have revealed settlements and faint beginnings of town life. But they do not at all answer the description of Hastinapur in the *Mahabharata* because the epic was finally compiled much later in about the fourth century A.D. when material life had advanced much. |
→ Further Eastward Expansion: Koshala and Videha
→ Further Eastward Expansion: Koshala and Videha
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Where did Vedic people spread around 600 B.C., and who did they contend against? | Koshala, Videha and Opposing Cultures: Towards the end of the later Vedic period, around `600 B.C.`, the Vedic people spread from the doab further east to Koshala in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Videha in north Bihar. Although Koshala is associated with the story of Rama, he is not mentioned in Vedic literature. In eastern Uttar Pradesh and north Bihar the Vedic people had to contend against a people who used copper implements and the black-and-red earthen pots. In western Uttar Pradesh they possibly came up against the people who used pots of ochre or red colour and copper implements. They possibly also encountered thin habitations of some people using black-and-red ware. It is suggested that at a few places they came against the users of the late Harappan culture, but these people seem to represent a conglomerate culture which cannot be characterised as purely Harappan. Whoever be the opponents of the later Vedic peoples, evidently they did not occupy any large and compact area and their number in the upper Gangetic basin does not seem to have been large. The Vedic people succeeded in the second phase of their expansion because they used iron weapons and horse-drawn chariots. According to one view the main line of Aryan thrust eastward was along the Himalayan foothills, north of the Ganga. But expansion in the area south of this river cannot be precluded. |
→ Land Clearance: Fire, Shatapatha Brahmana and Iron
→ Land Clearance: Fire, Shatapatha Brahmana and Iron
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How does the Shatapatha Brahmana describe the Aryanization of Videha? | Agni, Sadanira and Videha Mathava: Initially the land was cleared by means of fire. In a famous passage of the *Shatapatha Brahmana* we are told that Agni moved eastward, burning the earth until he reached the river Sadanira, the modern Gandak. There he stopped. In his wake came the chieftain Videha Mathava, who caused the fire god to cross over the river. Thus the land of Videha was Aryanized; and it took its name from its colonizer. The legend may be treated as a significant account of the process of land clearance by burning, leading to the founding of new settlements by migrating warrior-peasants. We have the description of the burning of the Khandavavana in the *Mahabharata* to establish the city of Indraprastha. |
| What is the role and scholarly debate around iron (*shyama ayas*) in land clearance? | Iron Technology and Scholarly Debate (Expansion Context): Burning may have been supplemented by the use of the iron axe for cutting the forests in some areas. This metal is referred to in literature as *shyama ayas* (dark or black metal) and has also been found at excavated sites like Atranjikhera and Jakhera in western Uttar Pradesh and adjoining regions, whose dates fall in the time bracket of the later Vedic period. The number of iron agricultural tools and implements is less than that of the weapons. On this basis the importance of iron technology in facilitating the clearance of land has altogether been denied by some scholars who see no relationship between technological development and social change. The northern and eastern parts of India to which the Aryans later migrated receive more rainfall than the north-western part of India. As a result this region is covered with thick rain forests which could not be cleared by copper or stone tools used by Rigvedic people. The use of iron tools now helped people clear the dense rain forests particularly the huge stumps left after burning, in a more effective manner. Large tracts of forestland could be converted into cultivable pieces in relatively lesser time. The iron plough could turn the soil from deeper portions making it more fertile. Later Vedic texts also refer to eight, twelve and even twenty four oxen yoked to the plough. Though the number of oxen mentioned is possible symbolic, the reference suggests that plough cultivation was familiar in this period. This process seems to have begun during the later part of the Rigvedic period but the effect of iron tools and implements become evident only towards the end of the Later Vedic period. |
→ Southern Expansion by the End of the Vedic Age
→ Southern Expansion by the End of the Vedic Age
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What southern kingdoms demonstrate Aryan expansion by the end of the Vedic age? | Aryan Power in the South: Aryan expansion began in the south also. However the chronology of migration towards south is uncertain. The large kingdom of Sattwata in Vidarbha, the Dandaka Kingdom near Nasik, Mulaka and Ashmaka Kingdoms on the Godavari bank were clear demonstration of the expansion of Aryan power in the south by the end of the Vedic age. |
12. Early Vedic Social Life (1500–1000 B.C.)
12. Early Vedic Social Life (1500–1000 B.C.)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What was the character of Early Vedic tribal society and the jana? | Tribal Society Based on Kinship: The Early Vedic Society was a tribal society, in which social relations based on kinship ties were predominant. The membership of a tribe was based on birth and not on residence in a certain area. Thus the members of the Bharata tribe were known as the Bharatas. It did not imply any territory. People gave their primary loyalty to the tribe, which was called *jana*. The term *jana* occurs at about 275 places in the *Rig Veda*, and the term *janapada* or territory is not used even once. The people were attached to the tribe, since the territory or the kingdom was not yet established. R. S. Sharma states that “the Rig Vedic society was neither organized on the basis of social division of labour nor on that of differences in wealth … it was primarily organised on the basis of kin, tribe and lineage.” |
| What was the structure and character of the Early Vedic family? | Family: The family was regarded as the basic social and political unit. It was the nucleus of the social life of the early Aryans. It was patriarchal in nature and was headed by the father. The birth of a son was the common desire of the people. The importance given to the male members is reflected in the hymns, where the desire for a son is a constant prayer. People prayed to the gods for brave sons to fight the wars. In *Rig Veda* no desire is expressed for daughters. The Aryans had joint families. The family comprised not only mother, father, children but also nephew, grandson, cousin etc. Early Vedic literature has several words for household units — *durona*, *kshiti*, *dam*/*dama*, *pastya*, *gaya*, and *griha* — which may have corresponded to different kinds of households. Rig Vedic prayers are for sons, not daughters, and that the absence of sons is deplored. The Vedic household was clearly patriarchal and patrilineal. |
→ Institution of Marriage (Early Vedic)
→ Institution of Marriage (Early Vedic)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What forms of marriage and related practices existed in Early Vedic society? | Marriage Norms and Practices: Monogamy was the usual norm of marriage. Polygamy was, of course, practiced and it was confined only to chiefs. They could choose a husband of her own choice. The practice of ‘*Swayamvara*’ was also prevalent in the society. There was no child marriage. The girls were married after attaining puberty. After marriage the wife went to her husband’s house. There is also some indication of polyandry. e.g. The Maruts are stated to have enjoyed Rodasi. The two Asvin brothers are represented as living with Surya, the daughter of the sun god. We also notice the practice of levirate and widow remarriage. There are some indication of matrilineal traces. Some examples of sons being named after their mother, as in the case of Mamateya. However women were always thought to be dependent on their fathers, brothers or husbands. The *Rig Veda* attaches importance to the institution of marriage and refers to various types of marriage — monogamy, polygyny, and polyandry. The rituals indicate post-puberty marriages. There are references to women choosing their husbands. A woman could remarry if her husband died or disappeared. There are also references to unmarried women, such as the Rig Vedic seer Ghosha. A hymn tells of elopement, the man praying that his beloved’s entire household — her brothers and other relatives — as well as the dogs, should be lulled into a deep sleep, so that the lovers could creep out stealthily. |
→ Early Vedic Social Divisions, Slavery and Occupations
→ Early Vedic Social Divisions, Slavery and Occupations
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did social divisions begin in the Rig Vedic period without a full caste system? | *Arya Varna*, *Dasa Varna* and Emerging Stratification: The Rig Vedic society was a simple and largely an egalitarian society. However certain differences did exist on basis of the physical appearance of people during the period. *Varna* or colour was the basis of initial differentiation between the Vedic and non Vedic people. The Vedic people were fair whereas the non-Vedic indigenous people were dark in complexion and spoke a different language. Colour may have provided the identity mark for social orders but its importance has been exaggerated by those western writers who believed in racial distinctions. The factor which contributed most to the creation of social division was the conquest of the indigenous inhabitants by the Aryans. The *dasas* and *dasyus*, who were conquered by the Aryans, were treated as slaves and shudras. Thus the *Rigveda* mentions *arya varna* and *dasa varna*. The Dasas are described as dark, full-lipped, snub-nosed, worshippers of the phallus and of hostile speech. Besides, certain practices during this period, such as concentration of larger share of the war booty in the hands of the chiefs and priests resulted in the creation of social inequalities within a tribe during the later part of this Vedic phase. This helped in rise of princes and priests at the cost of the common tribal people. Gradually the tribal society was divided into three groups — warriors, priests and the people. The fourth division called the *shudras* appeared towards the end of the Rig Vedic period, because it is mentioned for the first time in the tenth book of the *Rig veda*, which is the latest addition. In early Vedic texts, the words ‘*brahmana*’ and ‘*kshatriya*’ occur frequently but the term *varna* is never associated with them. Though they seem to have been a group who enjoyed respect, there are no indication that the membership of this group was based on birth. The words *vaishya* and *sudra* are absent. A Rig Vedic hymn suggests that a man could aspire different sorts of vocations and goals in life. This indicates the absence of a strict social hierarchy and the existence of the element of social mobility. We learn about another people called the Panis who were wealthy in cattle treasures. The term *Pani* came to be associated with merchants and wealth in the subsequent ages. There was no caste division. Occupation was not based on birth. Members of a family could adopt different occupations. We hear of a family in which a member says: “I am a poet, my father is a physician, and my mother is a grinder. Earning livelihood through different means we live together…..” Another form of the verse: “I am a poet, my father is a physician and my mother grinds grain upon the stone. Striving for wealth, with varied plans, we follow our desires like cattle.” Since economy was mainly pastoral and not food producing, the scope for collecting regular tributes from the people was very limited. We do not find gifts of land and even those of cereals are rare. We find domestic slaves but not the wage earner. The tribal elements in society were stronger and social divisions based on collection of taxes or accumulation of landed property were absent. Various occupational groups such as those of weavers, smith, carpenters, leather workers, chariotmakers, priests etc. are also mentioned. The chariotmakers occupied a special social status. There are no references to beggars, wage-earners or wages in the *Rigveda*. |
| What was the nature of slavery in the Rig Vedic period? | Slaves: We repeatedly hear of slaves who were given as gift to the priests. They were mainly women slaves employed for domestic purposes. It is clear that in the Rig Vedic times slaves were not used directly in agriculture or other producing activities. Slavery was there in the early Vedic society which continued in later times. There were inequalities between master and slave, men and women. |
→ Dress, Ornaments, Food, Drink and Amusements
→ Dress, Ornaments, Food, Drink and Amusements
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What were Early Vedic practices of dress, food, drink and leisure? | Material Culture of Everyday Life: The Aryans wore dresses made from cotton, wool and deer skin. It seems that both men and women wore gold ornaments. The women used ear-rings, neck-lace, bangles, anklets. These ornaments were sometimes studded with precious stones. Both men and women oiled and combed their hair. The Aryans ate both vegetable and animal foods. Rice, barley, bean and sesamum formed the staple food. They also ate bread, cake, milk, ghee, butter, and curd together with fruits. Fish, birds, goats, rams, bulls and horses were slaughtered for their food. Slaughter of cow seems to be prohibited. But there are evidences of cows sacrifice and beef eating. They also drank intoxicating liquor, known as *sura*, a brandy made from corn and barley and the juice of *soma* plant. Rig Vedic people spent their leisure time in various amusements like gambling, war—dancing, chariot racing, hunting, boxing, dancing and music. |
13. Position of Women: Golden Age View and Gender Analysis
13. Position of Women: Golden Age View and Gender Analysis
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did nineteenth-century reformers and nationalist historians present Vedic women, and why? | Views of Golden Age of Women in Rig Vedic Society: Nineteenth-century socio-religious reformers and nationalist historians of the early 20th century often presented the Vedic age as a golden age for women. They pointed out that the Vedic people worshipped goddesses; the *Rig Veda* contains hymns composed by women; there are references to women sages; women participated in rituals along with their husbands; they took part in chariot races and attended the *sabha* and various social gatherings. Such a presentation of the ‘high’ position of women in Vedic society can be seen as a response to the humiliation of colonial rule. The idea was to show that in ancient times, Indians were better than the Westerners, at least in the way they treated women. This could also be used as an argument to improve the prevailing condition of women in Indian society. In the early Vedic age women enjoyed an honored place in the society. In all religious ceremonies she participated with her husband. The education of girls was not neglected. The *Rig-Veda* mentions the names of some learned ladies like Viswavara, Apala, Lopamudra and Ghosa who composed mantras/hymns and attained the rank of *Rishis*. Thus, they had equal opportunities as men for their spiritual and intellectual development. Women could attend assemblies. *Prada* system was not prevalent in the society. *Sati* system was also not prevalent in the Vedic society. |
| How has recent scholarship reframed the study of women’s status through gender analysis? | Changing Nature of Study of Status of Women: Recent scholarship has shifted the focus from discussing women in isolation to an analysis of gender relations. Gender refers to the culturally defined roles associated with men and women. Earlier, historians tended to focus on the public, political domain, relegating the family, household, and gender relations to the private, domestic domain. Today, the distinction between the private and political domains is recognized as an artificial one. Ideologies and hierarchies of power and authority exist within the family and household, in the form of norms of appropriate conduct based on gender, age, and kinship relations. Further, there is a close connection between relations within the household, marriage and kinship systems, the control of women’s sexuality and reproduction, class and caste relations, and larger political structures. For these reasons, gender relations form an important part of social history. The experience of women belonging to different groups in society varied, and it is therefore necessary to break down the category of ‘women’ into more specific subcategories based on rank, class, occupation, and age. For all periods, the vague issue of the ‘status of women’ therefore has to be dissolved into more meaningful questions, such as: What were the relations between men and women in the domestic sphere? How was a person’s descent recognized? What were the norms of property and inheritance? What was the role of women in production-related activities? Did they have control over these activities or the fruits of their labour? How was the sexuality and reproductive potential of women controlled and regulated? What was the role of women in the religious and ritual spheres? Did they have access to education and knowledge systems? Did they have direct or indirect access to political power? In spite of their subordination, women occupied a variety of social spaces, performed different roles, and were participants and active agents in history. A very small part of their history has, however, been written so far. In the older writings, a great part of the discussion about women of the Vedic age focused on elite women, ignoring the less privileged members of this sex. |
| What does a critical reading of the Rig Veda actually show about women’s power and privilege? | Position of Women in Rig Vedic Society — Critical Assessment: Although the *Rig Veda* mentions goddesses, none of them are as important as the major gods. While worship of female deities does at least mark the ability of a community to visualize the divine in feminine form, it does not automatically mean that real women enjoyed power or privilege. The proportion of hymns attributed to women in the *Rig Veda* is miniscule (just 12–15 out of over 1,000), as is the number of women sages. This suggests that women had limited access to sacred learning. There are no women priests in the *Rig Veda*. While women participated as wives in sacrifices performed on behalf of their husbands, they did not perform sacrifices in their own right; nor do they appear as givers or receivers of *dana* or *dakshina*. The Vedic household was clearly patriarchal and patrilineal, and women enjoyed relatively little control over material resources. Their sexuality and reproductive resources were controlled through the ingraining of norms of what was considered appropriate behaviour. Male dominance and the subordination of women is a feature of all known historical societies. The issue is one of the degree of dominance and subordination, and the structures in which these were embedded. Compared to later Vedic literature, the family books of the *Rig Veda Samhita* reflect a situation in which social status was not as rigidly defined or polarized as it came to be in later times. |
→ Decline in Position of Women in the Later Vedic Age
→ Decline in Position of Women in the Later Vedic Age
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How and why did women’s status deteriorate in the Later Vedic period? | Marked Deterioration: There was a marked deterioration in the status of women during this period. Some restrictions on women appeared during this period. In a text women have been counted as a vice along with dice and wine. In another text a daughter has been said to be the source of all sorrows. Women had to stay with her husband at his place after marriage. The participation of women in public meetings (*Samiti*) was restricted. They had no right to inherit property. Thus they became mere dependents of their fathers, husbands or sons. Despite the presence of some women philosophers and the references to a few queens participating in the coronation rituals, women were considered subordinate to men, and were not involved in any major decision making in family. Relations between husband and wife and father and son were hierarchically organized; menstruating blood was considered polluting etc. In the early period, there were post-puberty marriages, and there are references to women choosing their husbands. A woman could remarry if her husband died or disappeared. There are also references to unmarried women, such as the Rig Vedic seer Ghosha. However, such instances are few and far between in the later Vedic period. Like Rig Vedic seer, there were also women like Gargi and Maitreyi in the later period who participated in a philosophical debate with sages. However, neither the early Vedic society was egalitarian in all aspects nor the later Vedic society was stratified in all the aspects: the early Vedic society was also patriarchal and patrilineal which continued in later Vedic times — there were no women priests in the *Rig Veda*, women participated as wives in sacrifices performed on behalf of their husbands, they did not perform sacrifices in their own right; etc. Slavery was there in the early Vedic society which continued in later times. There were inequalities between master and slave, men and women. |
14. Later Vedic Society: Varna System
14. Later Vedic Society: Varna System
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did the pastoral tribal society transform into a fourfold varna order? | Rise of Four Varnas: In the later Vedic period, agriculture had become an important activity of the people. So there occurred a transformation of the pastoral society to a sedentary agrarian society. The most important change was the rise and growth of social differentiation in the form of *varna* system. The society came to be divided into four *varnas* called brahmanas, *rajanyas* or kshatriyas, vaishyas and shudras. A hymn describes the origin of the four *varnas*, i.e. Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and the Sudra, from the body of the universal creator, Prajapati. This hymn for the first time describes the origin of the four *varnas*. It says: “When they divided the Man, into how many parts did they divide him? What was his mouth, what were his arms, what were his thighs and his feet called?” “The Brahman was his mouth, of his arms made the Kshatriya, his thighs became the Vaisya, of his feet the Sudra was born.” The symbolism which is projected in these hymns is that Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra are limbs of the society. However, these limbs did not have equal status. The earliest reference to the division of society into four strata occurs in the *Purusha-sukta*, a hymn in Book 10 of the *Rig Veda Samhita* (a later Vedic text). So, the four-fold *varna* order is seen as a feature of later Vedic society. |
| What were the roles and ritual statuses of the four varnas? | Roles of the Four Varnas: The growing number of sacrifices and rituals during the period made the brahmanas very powerful. They conducted various rituals including those related to different stages of agricultural operations. This made them all the more important. The kshatriyas, next in the social hierarchy, were the rulers. They along with brahmanas controlled all aspects of life. The vaishyas, the most numerous *varna* were engaged in agriculture as well as in trade and artisanal activities. The brahmanas and the kshatriyas were dependent on the tributes (gifts and taxes) paid to them by the vaishyas. The shudras, the fourth *varna* were at the bottom of the social hierarchy. They were ordained to be in the service of the three upper *varnas*. They were not entitled to the ritual of *upanayana samskara* (investiture with sacred thread necessary to acquire education). The other three *varnas* were entitled to such a ceremony and hence they were known as *dvijas*. This can be construed as the beginning of the imposition of disabilities on the shudras as well as the beginning of the concept of ritual pollution. |
| What features define the varna concept and varnadharma, and how flexible was it? | Concept of *Varna* and *Varnadharma*: The system of *varna* had the following features: status by birth; a hierarchical ordering of the *varnas* (Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya, Sudra) with Brahmana at the top and Sudra at the base; rules of endogamy and ritual purity. The *Varna* system is further tied with the concept of *Dharma* i.e. universal law, and the *varna dharma* was an attempt to establish a social law for a systematic functioning of the society. However, the *varnadharma* system was not properly developed in the Later Vedic society: the division of social groups was based on occupation alone, and society was still flexible, where one’s occupations did not depend on birth. Even in the later times i.e., post-Vedic, the *varnadharma* described the ritual status (not actual status) of each group. The *varna* system did not prevent the non-kshatriyas from claiming kshatriya status and becoming rulers (examples being the Nandas and the Mauryas) nor brahmanas from claiming political suzerainty (e.g. the Sunb kings). Thus the theoretical model of the *varna* system could never be rigidly enforced in the post-Vedic period. During the Later Vedic period however, the concept of *varna* was rudimentary in nature. And *varna* distinctions had not advanced very far. The notion of untouchability for instance is absent. There were several rituals in which the shudras participated. Certain sections of artisans such as *rathakara* or chariot-maker enjoyed a high status, and were entitled to the sacred thread ceremony. Later Vedic texts divide society into four social groups with different degree of access to productive resources. While the later Vedic texts suggest that the society was becoming increasingly stratified there was still a certain amount of fluidity in occupations. This is suggested in a hymn in which the poet says: “I am a reciter of hymns, my father is a physician, and my mother grinds corn with stones, we desire to obtain wealth in various actions.” |
→ Jati System and Composite Society
→ Jati System and Composite Society
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did jati emerge and how did non-Vedic interaction shape Later Vedic society? | *Jati*, Kinship and Composite Formation: The *Jati* occurs in a later Vedic text and is used in the sense of an extended family. The stress on kinship ties was further emphasized by the use of the word *Jati*. While *Varna* decided the ritual status of a person, ‘*Jati*’ decided the actual status. *Jati* slowly became the gauge of a more precise assessment of the socio economic status of a group. Later, it was used in the sense of caste, implying an endogamous kinship group with specialised occupations and service relationship reflecting an increase in social stratification. In course of time each *Jati* came to have its own religious observances. During the Later Vedic period, with the shift in the geographical focus, the Vedic people encountered many non-Vedic tribes and considerable interaction must have helped formation of a composite society. At least the *Atharvaveda* depicts a host of non-Vedic religious practices which were sanctioned by the priests. However, tribal endogamy through strict marriage rules, was the aim in order to maintain the purity of the tribe. Also, the growing importance of the kshatriyas and the brahmanas in the society made it imperative to maintain their exclusive superior status, as compared to the rest. |
→ Family, Gotra, Habitation and Household Economy (Later Vedic)
→ Family, Gotra, Habitation and Household Economy (Later Vedic)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did family structure, gotra, land rights and habitation change in Later Vedic society? | Patriarchal Household, *Gotra* and Communal Land: The family remains the basic unit of the Vedic society. However, its composition underwent a change. The patriarchal family was well established and the *grihapati* acquired a special status. Increasing power of father is visible, who could even disinherit his son. Since householding economy was gaining predominance, the position of the householder too acquired economic importance. The rights on land were based on usage, and communal ownership of land prevailed. The *grihapatis* were wealthy and their ritual role was that of a *yajamana* (i.e. he who orders sacrifice). Their wealth did not come from gifts, but was produced by their own efforts. Through *yajnas*, which they were bound to perform to gain merit, a part of their wealth got channelled to the brahmanas. The rows of hearths discovered at Atranjikhera and at Ahichchhatra (both in western Uttar Pradesh) show that these were meant for communal feeding or for cooking the food of large families. In princely families the right of primogeniture was getting stronger. Male ancestors came to be worshipped. The institution of *gotra* developed in this period. This means that people having common *gotra* descended from a common ancestor. As against tribal endogamy (marriage within tribe) people practised *gotra* exogamy (marrying outside the *gotra*). i.e. no marriage between the members of the same *gotra* could take place. Monogamous marriages were preferred even though polygamy was frequent. The people continued to live in wooden or thatched houses with walls plastered with clay. The better houses had a store-room, ladies room, men’s general living room and a hall for fire worships. |
→ Varnashrama Dharma
→ Varnashrama Dharma
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What stages of life constituted ashrama, and how did varna-ashrama dharma take shape? | Four Stages of Life: Another important institution that began to take shape was *ashrama* or different stages of life. It prescribed the *Ashramas* or the four stages of life, that of the *Brahmachari* or student, the *Grihastha* or householder, the *vanaprastha* or hermit and the *Sanyasi* or ascetic. Only three *ashramas*, i.e. stages of life are mentioned in later Vedic texts and these stages were represented by *Brahmacharya* (student life), *grihastha* (householder), and *vanaprastha* (hermitage). Later, *sanyasa* (complete retirement from active participation in the world), the fourth stage also came to be added. It was not known till the time that the Upanishads were written. Together with *varna*, it came to be known as *varna-ashrama dharma*. |
→ Later Vedic Everyday Life: Food, Dress, Disease
→ Later Vedic Everyday Life: Food, Dress, Disease
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What remained constant and what changed in Later Vedic food, dress and medical knowledge? | Continuity and Change in Daily Life: Food and drink remained the same as early Vedic times. Rice, porridge made of grain, barley, milk, curds, ghi, sesame, meat were the common food. Generally meat was taken on festive occasions. Drinking of *Sura* was condemned which goaded men to vicious path. Dress usually consisted of three garments — an undergarment (*nivi*), a garment proper (*vasas*), and an over-garment (*adhi-vasas*). The turban was worn both by men and women. Knowledge of medicine was anything but elementary. The use of medicinal herbs in combination with magical spells betrayed the primitive system of curing diseases. The use of sandbands to stop bleeding is interesting. An accurate observation in the *Samkhayana Brahmana* that sickness was particularly prevalent at the time of change of a season showed the unmistakable influence of nature on man’s physical constitution. |
15. Early Vedic Economic Life: Pastoralism Dominant
15. Early Vedic Economic Life: Pastoralism Dominant
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Why is Early Vedic economy characterised as pastoral, and what literary evidence supports this? | Pastoralism and the Centrality of the Cow: The early Vedic Aryans were pastoralists. Cattle rearing was their main occupation. They reared cattle, sheep, goats, and horses for purposes of milk, meat and hides. A pastoral society relies more on its animal wealth than agricultural produce. Pastoralism is a subsistence strategy adopted by people who live in areas where large scale agriculture is not feasible due to some environmental and to a certain extent, cultural constraints. We arrive at this conclusion after analyzing the literary evidence in the *Rigveda*. A large number of words are derived from the word *go* meaning cow. A wealthy person was known as *gomat* and the daughter called *duhitri* which means one who milks the cow. The terms used for conflicts and battles in this period were *gavishti* (literally means ‘to search for cows’), *gavesana*, *gavyat*, etc. The word *gaveshana* literally means search for cows, but it also means battle since many battles were fought over cattle. The *raja* or the chief is called the ‘*gopati*’ or one who protects cows. In the *Rigveda*, *Godhuli* is used as a term for a measure of time. Distance is called *gavyuti*. Kinship units are labelled as *gotra*. All these terms are derived from *gau* and suggest that social relations and all important areas of Rigvedic life centred round the rearing of cows. Literary references to pasture lands, cow pen, dairy products and domesticated animals are also found in most of the hymns and prayers. The cows were thought of as providers of everything. Prayers are offered for increase in the number of cattle. |
| What additional gau-derived vocabulary and scholarly arguments deepen the pastoralism case? | R. S. Sharma’s Derivations and Related Vocabulary: Animals such as horses, goats, and sheep are mentioned in the family books, but cattle were clearly prized the most. R. S. Sharma has drawn attention to the many derivations of the word *gau* (cow) in the *Rig Veda*. Words for war with the infix *gau* — such as *gavishti*, *gaveshana*, *goshu*, and *gavya* — suggest that many battles were in effect cattle raids. The tribal chief was known as *janasya gopa*. Measures of time included *godhuli* (dusk) and *samgava* (morning). Measures of area/distance included *gavyuti* and *gocharman*. The buffalo was known as *gauri* or *gavala*. The daughter was *duhitri* (she who milks cows). *Gojit* (winner of cows) was a word for a hero. A wealthy person was known as *gomat* (owner of cattle). One of the epithets of the god Indra was *gopati* (lord of cattle). |
→ Agriculture as Subsidiary Activity: Evidence and Debate
→ Agriculture as Subsidiary Activity: Evidence and Debate
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What agricultural knowledge did Early Vedic people have, and why was agriculture not the main activity? | Meagre but Real Agricultural Evidence: They did have knowledge of agriculture. However, the evidence for agriculture in comparison with pastoral activities in the early portions is meagre and mostly late insertions. A few references show that they had knowledge of agriculture and practiced it to supplement their food requirements. Ploughshare is mentioned in the earliest part of the *Rig veda* though some consider it an interpolation. Possibly this ploughshare was made of wood. They were acquainted with sowing, harvesting and threshing and know about different seasons. Apart from ‘*Yava*’ or barley, no other grains are mentioned. Agriculture was also well known to the pre-Aryans who lived in the area associated with the Vedic people. The ploughed land was known as *Urvara* or *Kshetra*. The Early Vedic people did not use iron technology. Copper, with which they were familiar, did not have as much value in agricultural operations as iron implements. Stone tools (like axes) were used and these are mentioned in the *Rigveda*. Fire was used to burn down the forest cover and shifting agriculture was practiced. Thus the hoes, sickles and axes mentioned in the texts, were probably used for slashing purposes or shifting cultivation. Further, the region under discussion receives low rainfall and all the rivers mentioned in the *Rigveda* i.e. the Satluj, Indus, Ghaggar, Ravi etc. are known to change their courses frequently. Without the facilities of large-scale irrigation which were not developed in this period, the alluvial lands near the rivers could not be cultivated on a permanent basis. The evidence of pastoralism as well as shifting cultivation suggests that the people were either nomadic or semi-nomadic. They moved out of their villages with their herds for a certain period in order to feed their cattle. The literary and the archaeological sources do show that the people did not lead a fully sedentary life. The mobile character of the population is seen in the term ‘*vis*’ which also implied a settlement. The suffixes *Punar* (*vis*), *Upa* (*vis*) and *Pra* (*vis*) were constantly used, and the settlements were qualified by them to mean settling near (a settlement), re-entering (a settlement) or coming back (to the settlement). |
| How does R. N. Nandi challenge the view that agriculture was marginal in the Rig Veda? | R. N. Nandi and the Non-Marginality of Agriculture: Some scholars have used the number of references to pastoral versus agricultural activities in the family books as an index of their relative importance, and have concluded that while cattle rearing was of overwhelming importance, agriculture was either a subsidiary activity or one that was practised by non-Indo-Aryans. However, the frequency of usage in religious or ritualistic texts and contexts may not be an accurate indicator of the relative importance of these activities in everyday life. Apart from word frequencies, it is necessary to examine the nature and content of the references. R. N. Nandi has drawn attention to the many references to agricultural activity in the *Rig Veda* and argues that it was by no means marginal. The verbs *vap* (to sow) and *krish* (to cultivate) occur, along with references to various agricultural implements. *Phala*, *langala*, and *sira* are words for the plough, which must have been made of wood. Other implements included the hoe (*khanitra*), sickle (*datra*, *srini*), and axe (*parashu*, *kulisha*). The word *kshetra* has a range of meanings, including a cultivated field. Hymns refer to the levelling of fields for cultivation, the desire for fertile fields (*urvara*), and furrows (*sita*) drenched by rain, producing rich harvests. The only terms for cereals are *yava* (barley or a generic term for cereal) and *dhanya* (a generic term for cereals). There are references to seed processing, food prepared from cereals, and large jars that were probably used to store grain. Some hymns refer to conflicts among people for the protection of sons, grandsons, cattle, water courses, and fertile fields. Prayers to Indra beseech him to grant or enrich the fields. This god is described as the protector of crops, winner of fertile fields (*urvarajit*), and one who showers such fields on those who perform sacrifices to him. The later parts of the family books invoke Kshetrapati, who seems to have been a guardian deity of agricultural fields. Wars were fought for cattle, but also for land. Hymns refer to warriors, priests, cattle rearers, farmers, hunters, barbers, and vintners. |
→ Gift Exchange, Crafts, Trade and Settlements (Early Vedic Economy)
→ Gift Exchange, Crafts, Trade and Settlements (Early Vedic Economy)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What roles did gift exchange, crafts, trade and settlement forms play in Early Vedic economy? | Redistribution, Crafts and Non-Urban Settlements: Gift exchange and redistribution had an important economic role in the society. Tribal conflicts led to the payment of tributes i.e. *bali*, to the victorious chiefs by the defeated or the subordinate groups. The rest of the clansmen of the victorious tribe had a share in the spoils and booty won in the war. Redistribution also occurred during sacrifices and rituals. There was no concept of private property based on land-ownership. Whenever we hear of gifts made to priests they usually consist of cows and women slaves and never of land. Evidence of trade and commerce in Early Vedic society is meagre. We have no clear evidence of existing of regular trade. The *Rig veda* mentions artisans like the carpenters, the chariotmaker, the weaver, the leather worker, the potter, etc. This indicates that they practiced all these crafts. The term *ayas* used for copper or bronze shows that metal-working was known. The Vedic people were acquainted more with land routes because of the word *samudra* mentioned in the *Rig Veda* mainly denotes a collection of water. They probably introduced the spoked wheel which first appeared in the Caucasus area in `2300 B.C.` In the Rig Vedic Age people did not live in cities. The houses were made of wood and bamboo. They had thatched roof and clay floors. The hymns of *Rig-Veda* refer to *Pura*. It seems that *Puras* were fortified places and served as places of refuge during danger of invasion. But, it is yet to be identified satisfactorily by the archaeologists. There were also familiar with caves in the mountains. There was absence of word *nagara* (city) in the hymns of *Rig-Veda*. |
16. Later Vedic Economic Life: Pastoral-to-Agrarian Shift
16. Later Vedic Economic Life: Pastoral-to-Agrarian Shift
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did agriculture become the mainstay of Later Vedic economy? | Agrarian Expansion in the Doab: During later Vedic phase, agriculture became the mainstay of the Vedic people. The growth of agriculture in the Later Vedic period was made possible by the availability of vast tracts of fertile alluvial lands of the Ganga-Yamuna Doab and the middle Ganga valley — an area which was slowly settled throughout the first millennium B.C. Later Vedic texts speak of ploughing with yokes of six, eight, twelve and even twenty four oxen to the plough. This may be exaggeration. Ploughing was done with the help of the wooden ploughshare, which would possibly work in the light soil of the upper-Gangetic plains. Enough bullocks could not be available because of cattle slaughter in sacrifices. Therefore, agriculture was primitive, but no doubt about its wide prevalence. The furrow (*Sita*) was known. Many rituals were introduced to initiate the process of agriculture. e.g. *Satapatha Brahmana* speaks at length about the ploughing rituals. The *Satapatha Brahmana* classified agricultural operations as ‘ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing’. The use of manure was well understood for increasing production. Many kinds of grains were grown — such as barley, rice, wheat, beans, sesamum and *masura* (lentils). There were two harvests in a year. In those days even kings and princes did not hesitate to take to manual labour. According to ancient legends, Janaka, king of Videha and father of Sita, lent his hand to the plough. Balarama, the brother of Krishna, is called *Haladhar* or wielder of the plough. But in later times ploughing came to be prohibited for the members of the upper *varnas*. The buffalo had been domesticated for agricultural purposes. This animal was extremely useful in ploughing the swampy land. The god Indra acquires a new epithet ‘Lord of the Plough’ in this period. The items of *dana* and *dakshina* included cooked rice. Thus with the beginning of food production agricultural produce began to be offered in the rituals. The twelve sacrifices prescribed in the *Atharvaveda* for acquiring material benefits recommend the gifts of cows, calves, oxen, gold, cooked rice, thatched houses and well cultivated fields to the brahmanas. The items of the offerings are a clear indication of the growing importance of sedentary settlements and agriculture. |
| What crops and agricultural techniques characterised Later Vedic food production? | Crops, Rice and Non-Labour-Intensive Agriculture: Agricultural activities in this phase were not labour intensive. The sites from where rice remains are found in the excavations are located on the elevated areas of the Doab. This suggests that wet rice cultivation which is labour intensive was not practised as yet. The number and varieties of plant food increased. Apart from barley, people now cultivated wheat, rice, pulses, lentils, millet, sugarcane etc. Both archaeological and literary sources suggest that rice became their chief crops/staple diet of the people. The PGW and Banas culture yield charred grains of rice from the excavated sites. For the first time the Vedic people came to be acquainted with rice in the doab. The Vedic texts mention *Vrihi*, *Tandula* and *Sali*, all denoting rice. The 8th century settlements from Hastinapur and Atranjikhera have remains of rice. Vedic texts also mention the use of wheat. Barley continued to be produced. Various kinds of lentils were also produced. *Tila*, from which the first widely used vegetable food-oil was derived increasingly, came to be used in rituals. Pastoralism was no longer the main subsistence activity of the people as it was in the Early Vedic period. Mixed farming which included cultivation and herding was the occupational norm of this period. |
17. Beginning of the Use of Iron
17. Beginning of the Use of Iron
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| When and where did iron appear, and how is it named in Later Vedic literature? | Chronology, Terminology and Distribution: It was marked by the extended use of metals — gold (*hiranya*), silver (*rajata*), bronze (*ayas*), iron (*krishnayas*), copper (red *ayas*), lead (*sisa*). Gold and silver were used to make ornaments. The main factor in the expansion of the Aryan culture during the later Vedic period was the beginning of the use of iron around `1000 B.C.` The Rigvedic people knew of a metal called *ayas* which was either copper or bronze. In the later Vedic literature *ayas* was qualified with *shyama* or *krishna* (*shyama* or *krishna aya*) meaning black to denote iron. Archaeology has shown that iron began to be used around `1000 B.C.` which is also the period of later Vedic literature. Around `1000 B.C.` iron appears in Dharwar district in Karnataka, but how it spread from here is not clear. From the same time onwards iron was used in eastern Punjab, western Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Excavations show that iron weapons such as arrow-heads and spear-heads came to be commonly used in western Uttar Pradesh from about `800 B.C.` onwards. Towards the end of the Vedic period knowledge of iron spread in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Videha. The earliest iron implements discovered in this area belong to the `7th century B.C.` |
→ Debate: Iron Technology and Its Impact
→ Debate: Iron Technology and Its Impact
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What arguments favour iron as a driver of agrarian expansion in the Later Vedic period? | Arguments in Favour: An important question to be asked here is: does the knowledge of iron lead to any advancement in the metal technology of the period? Similarly one would also like to know the extent to which the introduction of a new technology changes the material milieu of the society. The evidence of the Later Vedic Period suggests a transition from a pastoral society to a sedentary agrarian society. It was earlier suggested that the socketed axes made of iron were extensively used to clear the forests and the Gangetic Doab for permanent cultivation. It was also believed that iron tipped ploughshares and hoes increased the efficiency of the agricultural implements which furthered agricultural activities. Thus scholars believed that the knowledge of Iron technology was an important factor for the development of agrarian economy. |
| What archaeological and technological arguments oppose a decisive agrarian role for iron in Later Vedic times? | Opposite View: However, we now know that the Later Vedic period was neither purely agrarian, nor was it well advanced in iron technology. The rich iron ore mines of Bihar were still not exploited and the technology of smelting iron was primitive. From the excavations, it appears that the use of iron was restricted to making weapons. The objects which are found in the excavations are iron tipped arrowheads, spearheads, etc. i.e. weapons of which the largest number comes from the Ahichhatra excavations. Sickles, hoes, axes are rarely found in the excavations. One ploughshare has been reported from Jakhera which probably belongs to the end of this period. Iron did not influence the agricultural technology until the second half of the first millennium B.C. when the marshlands and monsoon forests in the middle Gangetic valley were gradually cleared. In the Later Vedic period, clearing of forests by burning was carried out in the upper Doab. Iron tipped weapons and horse chariots helped military activities which were rampant in this period and have been extensively documented in the *Mahabharata*. However, in subsistence related activities, iron technology had practically no role. |
→ Coinage, Sedentary Settlements and Changing Functions of Rituals
→ Coinage, Sedentary Settlements and Changing Functions of Rituals
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What improvised coinage appeared, and how did mixed farming produce sedentary life? | Currency and Sedentary Settlements: There was no regular system of currency of coinage. But some improvised coinage like *Krishnala*, *Satamana* and *nishka* made their appearance. *Krishnala* berry was a unit of weight which usually weighed one *ratti*, that is, 1.8 grains. *Satamana*, a piece of gold equivalent to weight of 100 *Krishnalas*, was used by the merchants as currency. The *nishka* replaced the cow as a unit of value. Mixed farming led to the rise of sedentary settlements. The PGW deposits are generally 2 to 3 m deep and indicate that people were living in the same spot for a long time. At Bhawanpura and Jakhera, the excavations show that the earlier phase of circular huts made of wattle and daub or wood were replaced in this period by more substantial houses with earth walls. Thus durable materials were being used for house construction owing to the adoption of a sedentary life style. |
| How did the social function of rituals change from Early to Later Vedic society? | Changing Functions of Rituals: In the Early Vedic society rituals were performed to bring about the welfare of the entire tribe. Gods were worshipped for ensuring victory over other tribes, granting cattle and sons. It was also an occasion for the chiefs to distribute wealth. In the Later Vedic society the function of the rituals underwent a subtle change. Rituals became much more complicated which could continue for years. Thus only the rich could perform them. The spirit of collectivity was reduced. Sacrifices were performed to ensure control over rest of the tribe. Gifts were no longer given to the entire tribe. Rather the chief gave gifts to the Brahmans who performed sacrifices for him. The rituals were so complicated that it needed expert Brahmans to perform it since a wrong incantation could bring disaster to the performer. The performer of sacrifices was supposed to grant super-human status to the chiefs meaning that they were superior to rest of the tribe. For this service the chief passed on a large part of his wealth to the Brahman priest. Thus, the rituals became a mechanism for ensuring the material and spiritual superiority of the chiefs and the Brahmans. |
→ Emerging Importance of Land and the Householding Economy
→ Emerging Importance of Land and the Householding Economy
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did land ownership and the vis/vaisya householding economy structure Later Vedic redistribution? | From Clan Land to *Grihapati* Wealth: In this period, initially land was owned by the clan or the *vis*. When clan ownership gradually changed to family ownership the *grihapati* or householder became a man of wealth. The *vaisyas* (those who originally belonged to the *vis*) were the producing class in the society and they became the source of wealth and subsistence for the Kshatriyas and the Brahmanas who did not actively participate in food production. The *vaisyas* had to give prestations to the Kshatriyas in lieu of the latter protecting their lands, and *dana* and *dakshina* to the priests for their moral upliftment. The *vis*/*vaisya*, characterizing the householding economy, became the mainstay of economy. Prestations and *dana* to the non-producing classes helped in the distribution of subsistence goods. This textual reference suggests communal ownership of land over which the *vis* had major participatory rights. There are no references to the sale of land. Visvakarma Bhauvana, a ruler, was rebuked by *Prithvi* (the earth) when he tried to make a grant of land. The notion of individual private property owners did not exist in both Early and Later Vedic periods. The clan as a whole enjoyed rights over major resources such as land and herds. |
→ Arts, Crafts, Service Groups, Pottery and Proto-Urban Sites
→ Arts, Crafts, Service Groups, Pottery and Proto-Urban Sites
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What occupations, crafts, pottery types and urban beginnings mark Later Vedic material life? | Diversification of Occupations: The later Vedic period saw the rise of diverse arts and crafts. The expansion of the Aryans coupled with the increase in the material prosperity gave rise to numerous occupations to meet the growing needs of the people. Thus, there were fishermen, fire-rangers, ploughers, weavers, dyers, washermen, barbers, butchers, footmen, messengers, makers of jewels, baskets, ropes, chariots, and bows, smiths, potters, professional acrobats, and musicians. The development of industries brought in its train numerous new professions like boatmen, helmsmen, oarsmen, money-lender (*Kusidi*), merchants or *Sreshthis* who organized themselves into guilds. The astrologer formed an important part of the life of a village. Women were employed as dyers, embroiderers or basket-makers. We hear of smith and smelter who had certainly to do something with iron working from about `1000 B.C.` The Vedic people were familiar with copper working from the very beginning. Numerous copper tools of the pre-`1000 B.C.` period found in western Uttar Pradesh and Bihar might suggest the existence of copper-smiths in non-Vedic societies. Vedic people may have used the copper mines of Khetri in Rajasthan. In any case copper was one of the first metals to be used by the Vedic people. Copper objects have been found in Painted Gray Ware sites. They were used mainly for war and hunting, and also for ornaments. Weaving confined to women but was practiced on a wide scale. Leather work, Carpenter’s work and pottery made a great progress. The later Vedic people were acquainted with four types of pottery: Black and red ware; Black-slipped ware; painted grey ware (the most distinctive pottery of the period); red ware (this type of pottery was most popular with them and has been found almost all over western Uttar Pradesh). Glass hoards and bangles found in the PGW layers may have been used as prestige objects by people. Jewel-workers are also mentioned in later Vedic texts, and they possibly catered to the needs of the richer sections of society. There has been a continuous increase in the population during the later Vedic period due to the expansion of the economy based on agriculture. The increasing number and size of Painted Grey Ware (PGW) settlements in the doab area shows this. With the passage of time the Vedic people also acquired better knowledge of seasons, manuring and irrigation. All these developments resulted in the substantial enlargement of certain settlements such as Hastinapur and Kaushambi towards the end of the Later Vedic period. These settlements slowly began to acquire characteristics of towns. Such rudimentary towns inhabited mainly by the chiefs, princes, priests and artisans were supported by the peasants who could spare for them some part of their produce voluntarily or involuntarily. Although the term *nagara* is used in later Vedic texts we can trace only the faint beginnings of towns towards the end of the later Vedic period. Hastinapur and Kaushambi can be regarded as primitive towns belonging to the end of the Vedic period. They may be called proto-urban sites. The Vedic texts also refer to the seas and sea voyages. This suggests some kind of commerce which may have been stimulated by the rise of new arts and crafts. A certain amount of sea-borne trade was carried on. On the whole the later Vedic phase registered a great advance in the material life of the people. The pastoral and semi-nomadic forms of living were relegated to the background. Agriculture became the primary source of livelihood, and life became settled and sedentary. Equipped with diverse arts and crafts the Vedic people now settled down permanently in the upper Gangetic plains. |
→ Human Settlements as Gleaned from Vedic Sources
→ Human Settlements as Gleaned from Vedic Sources
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How do Vedic sources describe units of settlement, and what is the debate on villages versus towns? | Units, *Grama*, *Pur* and Five Types of Settlement: Smallest unit of settlement was called *Griha*. *Kula* — habitation by joint family (headed by *Kulapa*). Houses made from wood, bamboo. Compact and self-sufficient villages. Head of Aryan villages: *Gramini*. Suburban and urban village also. Around village was arable land, pasture land, forest. Each village surrounded by wall and ditch for defence. Gate in the middle of each of four sides dividing village in 4 quarters. Each quarter reserved for caste/profession. Centre of village: tank, religious place. Some references to human settlement in the *Rig Veda Samhita*. The human settlements referred to in this text are termed as *grama* and *pur*. *Grama* occurs nine times and *pur* occurs eighty-five times in this text. In the view of the above facts it is wrong to assume that the Vedic culture was of a wholly rural background. It is further argued that while *grama* means village, *pur* does not mean a city. *Pur* may be a temporary place of refuge or natural stronghold or mountain fastness. It is definitely known that in later times, *pur* meant a city. G.S. Ghurye has also argued in favor of the existence of towns in the Vedic literature. His main argument is that the Rig Vedic society was aware of the use of two or more horse drawn chariots in *pur* which indicates the existence of big roads and towns. However, there was no qualitative difference in village and town. Vedic seers used to live in hermitages outside the village. Vedic seers neither traded nor farmed. They lived on the herds of cattle, tended by their disciples and produce of the forest. The epic clearly mentions that the seers lived in hermitages. The sutras confirm that the Vedas should be studied only outside the village. There are ample references in the Vedic literature to the effect that the disciples attached to the seers tended their cattle and lived on uncultivated produce of the forest. On the basis of function, 5 types of Aryan settlement: *Goshala* (cattle ranch); *Pali* (Small settlement); *Durg* (fort); *Pattan* (town); *Nagara* (city). Hence, we come to know about the human settlement from Vedic sources but due to various interpretations of terms, knowledge about settlement is limited and literary sources should be collaborated with archaeological sources. |
18. Religious and Philosophic Literature
18. Religious and Philosophic Literature
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What does the word Veda mean, and how are the Vedas classified as Sruti, Smriti and Apauruseya? | Meaning of *Veda*; *Sruti* vs *Smriti*; *Apauruseya*: The word *veda* is derived from the root *vid* which means ‘to know’. The word *veda* means the sacred knowledge contained in the texts known as Vedic text. The texts constitute the oldest layer of Sanskrit literature and the oldest scriptures of Hinduism. Vedas are also called *sruti* (“what is heard”) literature, distinguishing them from other religious texts, which are called *smṛiti* (“what is remembered”). Hindus consider the Vedas to be *apauruseya*, which means impersonal, authorless. The Vedas are considered revelations seen by ancient sages after intense meditation. In the Hindu Epic *Mahabharata*, the creation of Vedas is credited to Brahma. The Vedic hymns themselves assert that they were skillfully created by *Rishis* (sages), after inspired creativity, just as a carpenter builds a chariot. |
| What are the four Vedas and how does each differ in content and historical utility? | The Four Vedas: There are four Vedas: the *Rigveda*, the *Yajurveda*, the *Samaveda* and the *Atharvaveda*. The *Rigveda* is a collection of 1,028 hymns divided into 10 *mandalas*. They are the earliest compositions and hence depict the life of the early Vedic people in India. The *Samaveda* is a collection of verses mostly taken from the *Rigveda* but arranged in a poetic form to facilitate singing, i.e. the prayers of the *Rig Veda* were set to tune, and this modified collection was known as the *Sama Veda Samhita*. The *Yajurveda* contains not only hymns but also rituals which have to accompany their recitation. The rituals reflect the social and political milieu in which they arose. The rituals were to be performed publicly or individually. The *Atharvaveda* is a collection of magic spells and charms to ward off the evil spirits and diseases. Its contents throw light on the beliefs and practices of the non-Aryans. |
| How is each Veda sub-classified into Samhitas, Brahmanas, Aranyakas and Upanishads? | Four Major Text Types — *Samhitas*, *Brahmanas*, *Aranyakas*, *Upanishads*: Each Veda has been sub-classified into four major text types — the *Samhitas* (the collections of the hymns or mantras); the *Brahmanas* (these are full of ritualistic formulae and explain the social and religious meaning of rituals); the *Aranyakas* (text on rituals, ceremonies, sacrifices and symbolic-sacrifices); the *Upanishads* (texts discussing meditation, philosophy and spiritual knowledge). The *Upanishads* reflect the last composed layer of texts in the Vedas. They are commonly referred to as *Vedanta*, variously interpreted to mean either the “last chapters, parts of the Vedas”. The concepts of *Brahman* (Ultimate Reality) and *Atman* (Soul, Self) are central ideas in all the *Upanishads*. The *Upanishads* are the foundation of Hindu philosophical thought and its diverse traditions. *Aranyakas* are sometimes identified as *karma-kanda* (ritualistic section), while the *Upanishads* are identified as *jnana-kanda* (spirituality section). |
→ Philosophy of the Upanishads
→ Philosophy of the Upanishads
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What philosophical enquiry do the Upanishads pursue, and how is Brahman identified with Atman? | Enquiry into Ultimate Truth; Identity of *Brahman* and *Atman*: The *Upanishads* exhibit vigorous and creative philosophical thought. All the philosophical systems and religions of India, heretical or orthodox, have sprung up from the *Upanishads*. The theological-philosophical systems of Samkara, Ramanuja and others are founded on the Vedanta/Upanishad. The philosophers of the *Upanishads* are actively interested in an earnest enquiry into the ultimate truth that lies behind the world of creation. They have variously expressed their findings in the identity of *Brahman* and *Atman*. *Brahman* — that highest principle which manifests itself in the motley of creation and which receives all things back at the time of dissolution. *Atman* which is the individual self. This has been pointedly recorded in the famous dictum of identity *Tat tvam asi* (means ‘Thou are that’), where *Tat*, meaning that, stands for *Brahman*, and through it the universe, and *tvam*, meaning thou, for *Atman* or the individual self. The conception of the world-soul, *Atman*, has developed from that of the world-man and the earlier conception of the personal creator, Prajapati, has grown into the Upanishadic one of the impersonal source of all being, namely *Brahman*. *Brahman* epitomizes the whole evolution of religious and philosophical thought in India. This unity of *Brahman* (the cosmic principle) and *Atman* (the psychical principle) or (in other words) the identity of the individual *Atman* with the world-*Atman* is expressed by the Upanishadic dictum *tat tvam asi* (Thou art That). The *Brahman*, the power which presents itself to us materialized in all existing things, which creates, sustains, preserves and receives back into itself again all worlds, this eternal, infinite, divine power is identical with the *Atman*, with that which, after stripping off everything external, we discover in ourselves as our real most essential being, our individual self, the soul. |
| What doctrines of rebirth, karma and salvation by knowledge do the Upanishads introduce? | Rebirth (Transmigration), *Karma*, and Salvation by Knowledge: Among the new elements in the *Upanishads* are the doctrine of rebirth (transmigration of soul). Transmigration appears to have been a part of almost all ancient religions. In the *Brihadaranyaka Upanishad* the first form of this doctrine is given. This doctrine refers to continual passage of soul from one body to another for all eternity. According to this doctrine even gods pass away and are replaced by other gods. Animals, insects and according to a view even plants live under the same law. Closely allied to transmigration is the doctrine that the *karma* (action) of a man determines the nature of his life in the next birth, and this soon became fundamental to most Indian thought. It may have justified the social inequalities of the Aryan community, but it was not designed to be such. In any case, it provided a satisfactory explanation of the mystery of suffering which is still troubling many thoughtful souls all over the world. According to the doctrine of *Karma* one’s conduct or deeds determine one’s status. Exaltation and debasement of one’s status — one’s lot being happy or wretched — is all rested on one’s acts. This doctrine postulates that the present condition is inevitable but only because of *Karma* accruing from past actions. The *Upanishads* call for acquisition of knowledge for salvation and denounce the concept of salvation by action or faith. According to the *Upanishads*, the realisation that the *Brahman* is the only reality and the same is the individual soul leads one to liberation. For acquisition of knowledge selfish desires are to be eliminated. |
→ Sruti Literature as a Source of History
→ Sruti Literature as a Source of History
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What does Sruti mean, and what historiographical trends have shaped use of the Vedas as history? | *Sruti* and Historiographical Approaches: “*Sruti*” literally means ‘that which has been heard’. In the Hindu tradition the Vedas have the status of *sruti*. Many different kinds of histories of the Indo-Aryans have been derived from the Vedas. Nationalist historians extracted historical details from the texts but tended to idealize the Vedic age. A subsequent trend was more dispassionate in approach, but concentrated on fitting data from the texts into long-term unilinear historical and anthropological models (by Marxist historians). Recent studies offer a more nuanced textual analysis. Extracting history from a literature as ancient, vast, and complex as the Vedas is no easy task. Unfortunately, critical editions identifying the original core of the texts are not available. A great deal depends on the interpretation of words and phrases, whose meanings may vary from one text and context to another. When we talk of the ‘Vedic age’ or ‘Vedic culture’, we must be conscious of the problem of dating the *Rig Veda*, the religious and elite nature of the texts, their specific geographical contexts, and the availability of substantial archaeological data for these and other regions. |
| What are the principal problems in using the Vedas as a source of history? | Problems in Using Vedas as a Source of History: The Vedic corpus was not a popular literature: therefore, it does not necessarily represent popular ideas or practices. Vedic texts comprise a religious literature and references to possible historical events are few. The Vedic literature forms an important part of the Brahmanical tradition. It reflects their religious beliefs, practices and points of view. The uncertainty of the period of composition of the *Rig Veda* is a major problem in using this text as a source of history. The texts were transmitted orally for many centuries and it is not certain when they were first written down. The earliest surviving manuscripts belong to the `11th century CE`. Many historians use a rough chronology of c. `1200–1000 BCE` or `1500–1000 BCE` for the composition of the earliest sections of the *Rig Veda*. Books 2–7, the oldest books of the *Rig Veda Samhita*, are also known as the family books because their composition is attributed to the families of certain seer-poets — Grit-samada, Vishvamitra, Vamadeva, Atri, Bharadvaja, and Vasishtha. Books 1, 8, 9, and 10 seem to be of a later period. The hymns of this *Samhita* are arranged in a precise pattern. The pattern of arrangement makes it possible to detect interpolations. Hymns that disrupt the pattern must have been added to the collection later. Vedic texts can be used as sources of history for limited geographical areas in which they were composed. There are several problems in correlating the evidence from the Vedas with archaeology. |
| To what extent can the Vedas be used as historical sources, and what concrete historical details do they yield? | Extent of Historical Use and Concrete Yield: The Vedic texts can be used as sources of history for the areas in which they were composed. For example: The family books of the *Rig Veda samhita* were composed in the land of *sapta-sindhu* or the seven rivers — that is the Indus, its five tributaries, and the Saraswati (Ghaggar-Hakra). The later Vedic texts were composed in the Indo-Gangetic plain and the upper Ganga Valley. The ‘battle of ten kings’ may be based on an actual historical incident. The great battle took place on the bank of the river Parushni (Ravi). There are also references which show that the political alliances between the tribes were fluid and shifting. There are references of the assemblies like the *sabha* (smaller, elite gathering) and *samiti* (a larger assembly) presided over by the *Rajan*, the chieftain. There are also references of cattle rearing, agricultural activity, various craft works, slavery etc. which shed important light on the socio-economic life of the contemporary society. So, for constructing the history of the sub-continent it is important to carefully juxtapose the archaeological evidences and the text based evidences and caution should be made while using the ancient *sruti* literature as the source of history. |
→ Geography of the Vedic Texts
→ Geography of the Vedic Texts
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How do the Vedic texts name the country of the Aryans and what rivers map their geographical horizon? | Country of Aryans and Rivers: In the early period, the Aryans used the term Sapta Saindhavas as the region where they settled down. They used this term in the context of country. In the later period, the country of the Aryan was also designated as Aryavarta (most of the northern India). During Rig Vedic time, the focus of Aryan culture was the region between the Yamuna and Sutudri (Sutluj), and along the upper course of the river Saraswati. Out of thirty-one rivers mentioned in the Vedic texts, about twenty-five names occur in the hymns of the *Rig-Veda* alone. The Sindhu, identical with the Indus, is the river par excellence of the Aryans, and it is repeatedly mentioned. Other frequently mentioned rivers are the Sindhu (Indus), the Saraswati (identified with the Ghaggar-Hakra channel in Haryana and Rajasthan), the Drishadvati (Ghaggar) and the five streams which collectively gave their name to the Panjab (five waters): the Shutudri (Satlej), Vipas (Beas), Parushni (Ravi), Asikni (Chenab), and Vitasta (Jhelum). The *Rigveda* refers to the western tributaries of the Indus: the Gomati (modern Gomal), the Krumu (modern Kurram) and the Kubha (modern Kabul). The Suvastu (Swat) is the most important river mentioned to the north of Kabul. The rivers the Yamuna, the Ganga and the Sarayu are also mentioned. In the *Nadistuti*, the *Rig-Veda* enumerates several streams most of which belong to the Indus system. The later Vedic texts mention rivers such as the Narmada, Gandak, Chambal, etc. |
| What do Vedic texts record about mountains, seas, deserts and broad divisions of India? | Mountains, Seas, Deserts and Broad Divisions: The Rig Vedic people knew about the Himalayas but did not mention about the land south of the Yamuna, and they did not mention the Vindhyas Mountains or Satpura even. The other hills referred to are Arjika, Mujavant, Silament (Suleman range), etc., which were all ridges of the Himalayas. The reference of seas in the early Rig Vedic text is doubtful. The word *samudra* mentioned in the *Rig Veda* mainly denotes a collection of water and not sea in this period. However, in the later-Vedic literature, *Samudram* actually means the sea. There are references to eastern and western oceans in the *Satapatha Brahmana*, which indicate acquaintance with the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea in the later Vedic era. The later Vedic texts also refer to the seas and sea voyages. This suggests some kind of commerce which may have been stimulated by the rise of new arts and crafts. The Rig Vedic Aryans were not familiar with any kind of desert. However, an implied reference to Maru as the country of desert mounds near Kurukshetra has been traced in *Taittiriya Aranyaka*. The later Vedic texts give three broad divisions of India, viz. Aryavarta (Northern India), Madhyadesa (Central India), and Dakshinpatha (Southern India). |
19. Early Vedic Religion and Deities
19. Early Vedic Religion and Deities
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What was the character of Early Vedic religion and the major gods of the pantheon? | Naturalistic Polytheism and Major Deities: The religious ideas of the Vedic people are reflected in the hymns of the *Rigveda*. They venerated the natural forces around them (like wind, water, rain, thunder, fire etc.) which they could not control. The Rigvedic gods were generally personifications of different aspects of these natural forces. The attributes of these gods also reflect the tribal and patriarchal nature of the society as we do not find many goddesses mentioned in the text. Indra, Agni, Varuna, Mitra, Dyaus, Pushana, Yama, Soma, etc. are all male gods. In comparison, we have only a few goddesses such as Ushas, Sarasvati, Prithvi, etc which occupy secondary positions in the pantheon. The functions of different gods reflect their needs in the society. Indra was the god of strength, who was invoked to destroy the enemies. Also known as *Purandara* or breaker of forts. He was the god of thunder and was the rainmaker who was asked periodically to release the water. He could not be vanquished. Thus thunder and rain (natural phenomena) were related with strength, which was personified in a masculine form, represented in the god Indra. The concept of a tribal chief, who was a war-lord is also found represented in the character of Indra. About 250 hymns in *Rig Veda* are devoted to him. Agni, next in importance to Indra, was the god of fire. He was considered to be an intermediary between heaven and earth i.e., between gods and men. He dominated the domestic hearth and marriages were solemnized in his presence. Fire destroyed dirt and germs, and hence Agni was considered to be pure. The importance of Agni can be related to that of the *yajna* or sacrifice in the Early Vedic society. It was supposed that the oblations offered to Agni were carried to the gods in the form of smoke. About 200 hymns in *Rig Veda* are devoted to Agni. Varuna personified water, and he was the upholder of the natural order of the universe, known as *rita*. This *rita* was an important aspect of tribal set-up. Yama was the god of death and had an important place in the Early Vedic religious belief. Maruts the god of storm aided Indra in the wars in the way tribesmen aided their leader in the tribal wars. Soma was associated with plants and herbs. Soma was also a plant from which an intoxicating juice was extracted. This juice was drunk at sacrifices. Pushan was the god of the roads, herdsmen and cattle. In the life of the pastoral nomads, this god must have been very important. Some female divinities such as Aditi and Ushas represent the appearance of the dawn. But they are not prominent during time of the *Rig Veda*. |
→ Conceptual Basis of Vedic Deities
→ Conceptual Basis of Vedic Deities
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How are the principal Rigvedic deities conceptually characterised? | Indra, Maruts, Agni, Soma, Varuna and Others: The *Rig Veda* reflects a naturalistic polytheism — a belief in many gods who personified natural phenomena. The connection is clear in some cases from the very name of the deities, as in the case of Agni (Fire), Surya (the Sun), and Ushas (Dawn). The gods were conceived of as anthropomorphic, i.e., as having a physical form similar to that of humans. The level of detail varies, but mention is often made of their head, face, mouth, hair, hands, feet, clothes, and weapons. Indra is the most frequently mentioned god in the *Rigveda*. He is vigorous and strong, a great warrior, his weapon is thunderbolt, and he leads the Aryas to victory in battle. Since the Aryas were engaged in wars with indigenous tribes so they worshipped Indra as a god. He was also invoked as a weather god who brought rains. Maruts was the companion of Indra and aided him in the wars. Agni represents many aspects of fire — the fire of the cremation pyre, the fire that engulfs forest, the fire that burns enemies, the heat generated by *tapas* (austerity), and the heat of sexual desire. Most important of all, as the sacrificial fire, he is the intermediary between gods and humans. In this role, he functions as a divine priest. Soma is the personification of the *soma* plant. He is described as a wise god, one who inspires poets to compose hymns, a great god who rules over the earth and all humans. In later hymns, Soma is identified with the moon. Varuna is associated with *kshatra* (secular power), sovereignty, and kingship. He was the keeper of the cosmic order known as *rita*. He restricts and punishes evil-doers with the fetters or bonds that he has in command. Other deities of the *Rig Veda* include the sun god Surya, son of Dyaus. Surya drives away the darkness by riding in his chariot across the sky and is sometimes visualized as a white horse or an eagle. Vayu is the wind god. The Ashvins are twin gods associated with war and fertility. Rudra is a deity associated with great destructive potential. He inspires fear. Usha, goddess of the dawn, is mentioned 300 times in the *Rig Veda*, and 20 hymns are addressed to her. She represents the victory of light over darkness and is invoked by those desiring wealth. Aditi, which means freedom, is invoked to bestow freedom from sickness, harm, and evil. |
→ Early Vedic Sacrificial Religion
→ Early Vedic Sacrificial Religion
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How were gods worshipped in Early Vedic times, and how did sacrifice fit pastoral society? | Prayer, Yajna and Material Goals: The Vedic religion was sacrificial. Sacrifices or *yajnas* were performed to invoke the gods in order to grant boons — either victory in battles or for acquisition of cattle, sons etc. We find some hymns dedicated to the power residing in the sacrificial implements, especially to the sacrificial altar, to the stones used for pressing the Soma plant, to the weapons of war, drums, mortars etc. Hymns and prayers were recited in these sacrifices and generally priests performed these *yajnas*. The growing importance of sacrifices in the Vedic society resulted in the growing importance of priests as well. The ritual of sacrifice also led to the growth and development in the knowledge of mathematics and animal anatomy. Elementary mathematics was necessary to make the calculations which were required to establish the positions of various objects in the sacrificial area. Also, the frequent sacrifices of animals led to a knowledge of their anatomy. For the Vedic people, the world grew out of a vast cosmic sacrifice and was now maintained by the proper performance of sacrifice. Dominant mode of worshipping the god was through the recitation of prayers and offering of sacrifices. Prayer played an important part in Rig Vedic times. Both collective and individual prayers were made. It seems that prayers were offered to gods in chorus by the members of a whole tribe. This also happened in the case of sacrifices. Religion was not based on magico-ritual formulae, rather it stressed direct communication with the gods through sacrifices, hymns etc. During sacrifices, the offering of vegetables, barley, etc. were made to gods. But the process was not accompanied by any ritual or sacrificial formulae — i.e. at this stage the magical power of the word was not considered so important as it came to be in later Vedic Times. Gods were not worshipped for the spiritual upliftment nor for ending the miseries of existence nor for any other abstract philosophical concept, but were invoked to grant material gains. They asked mainly for *praja* (children), *pashu* (cattle), food, wealth, health etc. Sacrificial religion is a religion of the pastoral people. Animal sacrifice is rampant in the pastoral society, where the older animals who can no longer produce milk or meat, or used for breeding purposes, i.e. those who are no longer economically viable, are killed in order to lessen the burden on their owner. Hence animal sacrifice was one way of destroying the old animals and thus had an important role in the society. In the agrarian society however older animals are employed in the fields, used for traction purposes and hence the destruction of animals is frowned upon by a society which primarily depends on agricultural activities. Thus the Vedic religion reflected the patriarchal pastoral society and was materialistic in perspective. |
20. Later Vedic Religious Shift
20. Later Vedic Religious Shift
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What dual religious traditions and sacrificial expansion mark the Later Vedic phase? | Vedic and Folk Traditions; Public and Private Yajnas: With growth of agricultural activity, changes in the material life naturally resulted in a change in their attitude towards gods and goddesses too. Continuous interactions with the local non-Aryan population also contributed to these changes. The texts of this period indicate two different religious traditions: the Vedic, which is documented in the Sama and Yajurveda samhitas and the Brahmanas, and the non-vedic or perhaps the folk tradition extensively documented in the *Atharvaveda*. The fact that the Atharvan religious tradition was considered to be part of the Vedic suggests assimilation of different cultures and beliefs into the Vedic religious system. Another important feature was the increase in the frequency and number of the *yajna* which generally ended with the sacrifices of a large number of animals. The *Yajurveda Samhita* and Brahmanas document the sacrificial religion of the period. Sacrifices became very important during this period and they assumed both a public and private character. The public sacrifices e.g. the *Rajasuyas*, *Vajapeya*, *Asvamedha* were conducted on a massive scale, where the whole community participated. The Private sacrifices were performed by individuals in their houses because in this period the Vedic people led a settled life and maintained regular households. This was probably the result of the growing importance of a class of brahmanas and their efforts to maintain their supremacy in the changing society. These *yajnas* brought to them a large amount of wealth in form of *dana* and *dakshina*. The cows, gold, cloth and horses were given in gift to the priests. Sometimes the priests claimed portions of territory as *dakshina*, but the grant of land as sacrificial fee is not well established in the later Vedic period. The *Shatapatha Brahmana* states that in the *ashvamedha*, north, south, east and west all should be given to the priest. But it can not happen in reality. It merely indicates the desire of the priests to grab as much land as possible. People worshipped gods for the same material reasons in this period as they did in earlier times. However, the mode of worship changed considerably. Prayers continued to be recited but they ceased to be the dominant mode of placating the gods. Sacrifices became far more important. Some objects began to be worshipped as symbols of divinity. This shows that signs of idolatry appear in later Vedic times. |
→ Priestcraft and the Changing Gods
→ Priestcraft and the Changing Gods
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did priestcraft elaborate and how did the pantheon reorder in Later Vedic times? | Professional Priests; Rise of Prajapati, Vishnu and Rudra: Later Vedic texts reveal the elaboration of rituals which were complicated and needed professional men, trained in the art of performing them. *Vidhis* or rules for performing the sacrifices were formulated and the Vedic sacrifices no longer meant simple offering of food/oblations into the fire. The types of offering, types of sacrifices etc. differed according to the needs of the patron or the *yajamana*. Sacrifices were now endowed with mystical symbolism and every ritual act was endowed by mysterious power. A new science of priestcraft emerged because of the complexities involved in the performance of these *yajnas* whether private or public. Thus a class of priests became specialists in the performances of *Yajnas*. There were even different sets of priests for performing different stages of the same sacrificial ritual. Two prominent Early Vedic gods, Indra and Agni lost their importance. On the other hand, Prajapati the creator, came to occupy the supreme position in the later Vedic pantheon. Vishnu and Rudra which were smaller deities in the *Rigveda* became extremely important. However, we do not have any reference to different incarnations or *avataras* of Vishnu, we are so familiar with, in any of the Later Vedic texts. Vishnu was conceived as the preserver and protector of the universe. The changing status of the deities are an indication of the change in the character of the tribes from pastoral groups to sedentary agriculturist groups. The Early Vedic gods who represented natural phenomena were slowly discarded and the personification of natural elements as divine beings became very complex. It was no longer easy to find the natural element which represented a particular god from the hymns of the Later Vedic period. Some of the social order came to have their own deities. Pushan who protected cattle in the former period now became the god of the Sudras. |
→ Folk Tradition of the Atharvaveda
→ Folk Tradition of the Atharvaveda
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What kinds of charms, godlings and domestic concerns fill the Atharvaveda? | Magic, Superstition and Domestic Religion: The *Atharvaveda* is a mine of information regarding the folk tradition. Its contents are radically different from the Vedic sacrificial religion and it is concerned more with magic. The contents of this Veda cover different aspects of human life. The hymns deal with: the cure for diseases; prayers for health; charms for the prosperity of home and children; cattle and fields; charms to produce harmony; charms concerned with love and marriage or conversely rivalry and jealousy etc. The *Atharvaveda* thus documents the kinds of superstition and beliefs which were prevalent. Gods of the Vedic tradition were invoked but the reasons for which they were invoked were trivial and individualistic. Many godlings and spirits such as *pisacas*, *rakshasas* and so on (some malevolent and some benevolent), were invoked either to bring good fortune or to cause havoc and destruction to one’s friends and foes respectively. The invocations and the chants related to the domestic and the household and were close to the daily cycles of existence of the common man. For example, Indra was asked to kill the house-robber, the worm in the body and the wolf devil. The Asvins were entrusted with the protection of agriculture and the killing of rats. Savitri was summoned to fix a place where a new home could be built. Pusan was invoked to bring harmony and safe delivery of babies. Surya was invoked to remove demons. |
→ Reaction Against Sacrifice and Rise of Upanishadic Thought
→ Reaction Against Sacrifice and Rise of Upanishadic Thought
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did opposition to yajnas produce Upanishadic philosophy, and what principles did it embody? | From Material Yajna to Karma, Transmigration and Moksha: However, people began to oppose these sacrifices during the later Vedic period itself. There was a strong reaction against the priestly domination and against the complexities involved in the *yajnas*. A large number of cattle and other animals which were sacrificed at the end of each *yajna* must have hampered the growth of economy. This resulted in the formulation of a philosophical doctrine which is enunciated in the last sections of the Vedas, called the Upanishads. The path of good conduct and self sacrifice was recommended for happiness and welfare. The Upanishads contain two basic principles of Indian philosophy viz., *karma* and the transmigration of soul, i.e., rebirth based on past deeds. According to these texts real happiness lies in getting *moksha* i.e. freedom from this cycle of birth and re-birth. Thus, the materialistic aspect of the religion was discarded and religion was raised to the realm of philosophy. The Upanishads emphasized the changelessness and indestructibility of the soul which in a way seemed to emphasize the need for stability and integration in a period when the *janapadas* and *mahajanapadas*, i.e. republics and monarchies were emerging. It is important here to note that during the entire Vedic phase people did not construct temples nor did they worship any statue. These features of Indian religion developed much later. Thus we find that a great change in religious beliefs and practices had taken place between the Early Vedic and the Later Vedic period. This change was partly related to the shift from pastoralism to agriculture. The religious changes of this period parallel and reflect the socio political and economic changes that had taken place from the Early Vedic to the Later Vedic phase. |
| In what sense do Upanishadic principles embody the epitome of Vedic thought? | Upanishads as Epitome of Vedic Thought: The Vedas taught worship of the gods of nature, such as the sun, wind, sky, fire, Usha. The Upanishads emphasized that behind the façade of these many gods, there is but one supreme god. In fact, the concept of one universal god was also originally expressed in the *Rig Veda* itself: “*Ekam sad vipra bahudah vadanti*” (One alone exists; sages call it by various names). But in the Upanishads this ancient philosophical thought came to the forefront, overshadowing the idea of multiple gods who were considered simply as the manifestation of the transcendental supreme divine. In each of the Vedas, there are two main divisions: the *Karma Kanda*, deals with the rituals and the *Jnana Kanda*, deals with knowledge and wisdom. The samhitas and the brahmanas represent mainly the *Karma Kand* and the ritual portion while the Upanishads chiefly represent the *Jnana Kand* or the knowledge portion. *Mundaka Upanishad* states that the knowledge is of two types: Lower knowledge (*Apparavidya*) which deals with the secular knowledge of Grammar, sciences, rituals, astrology etc.; Higher knowledge (*Parvidya*) which deals with divine and spiritual knowledge. It is more concerned with the inner spiritual transformation of man than with only the book knowledge which is considered to be the lower knowledge. The early Upanishads (*Brihadaranyaka* and *Chandogya*) relied strongly on the rituals used to interpret the spiritual knowledge. The later Upanishads became more and more liberated from the rituals, however, moving towards internal processes of meditation and personal religious experiences. External rituals were subordinated to internal spiritual practices called *sadhanas*. |
→ Various Approaches to Understanding Vedic Religion
→ Various Approaches to Understanding Vedic Religion
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What scholarly frameworks have been used to interpret Vedic religion? | Polytheism, Henotheism, Monism, Sacrificial Cult and Agnosticism:Naturalistic polytheism: The *Rig Veda* reflects a naturalistic polytheism — a belief in many gods who personified natural phenomena. The connection is clear in some cases from the very name of the deities, as in the case of Agni (Fire), Surya (the Sun), and Ushas (Dawn). The gods were conceived of as anthropomorphic, i.e., as having a physical form similar to that of humans. Henotheism or Kathenotheism: Though some gods are mentioned more than others in the *Rig Veda*, there is no fixed order of importance nor a fixed pantheon. Whichever deity is invoked in a particular hymn is spoken of as a supreme god. Max Muller described this phenomenon as Henotheism or Kathenotheism. In other words, in reference to the Vedas, Muller explained that each deity is treated as supreme in turn. Kathenotheism means the worship of one god at a time. It is closely related to henotheism, the worship of one god while not rejecting the existence of other gods. Monism and Monotheism: The Vedas and the Upanishads preach and propagate neither pantheism nor polytheism but monotheism and monism. There are many Gods, but they represent different aspects of the same Reality. Monism and monotheism are found intertwined. In many passages of Vedas, ultimate Reality is represented as immanent, while in other passages ultimate Reality is represented as transcendent. Monism sees Brahman as the ultimate Reality, while monotheism represents the personal form of Brahman. *Taittriya Upanishad* states that Brahman is that form, from which all beings are born, that by which they are sustained and that into which they enter into death. Brahman is the eternal and imperishable reality in the universe. Other view is that the Vedas contain sparse monism and has some degree of pantheism also. Vedic Religion as a sacrificial cult: *Purusha-Sukta* describes creation as a result of a primordial sacrifice. A hymn to the god Vishwakarman imagines the creator god as the first sacrificer and the sacrificial offering. The Brahmana texts reflect a situation where sacrifice has become longer, more elaborate and expensive. A sacrifice is presented as the act that created the world and the correct performance of sacrifice was seen as necessary to regulate life and the world. The god Prajapati, who is most closely identified with sacrifice, is the most important deity in the Brahmanas. The *Vajapeya*, *Ashwamedha* and *Rajasuya* were the complex sacrificial rituals associated with kingship whereas *Agnihotra* was a simple domestic sacrifice. Agnosticism and atheism: Belief in the gods is questioned in the *Rigveda* as well as the belief in the alleged greatness of certain gods, for example Indra. Rig Vedic hymns ask: “Whoever has seen Indra. If he has not been seen, why should one believe in his existence?” A hymn in the *Rig Veda Samhita* is the following: “Who has seen the primeval being at the time of his being born..what is that endowed with substance which the unsubstantial sustains..from earth are the breadth and blood, but where is the soul.” The views expressed in the *Swasanvad Upanishad* have been summarized by the writer of *Samkhya Sutra*: “There is no incarnation, no god, no heaven, no hell; all traditional religious literature is the work of conceited fools; nature, the originator and time, the destroyer, are the rulers of things and take no account of virtue or vice in awarding happiness or misery to men.” |
→ Other Important Vedic Rituals (Domestic Samskaras)
→ Other Important Vedic Rituals (Domestic Samskaras)
| Cue Words | Notes | ||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| What domestic life-cycle rituals are named in the Vedic ritual corpus? | Life-Cycle Ceremonies: The *Rig Veda* reflects the beliefs and practices of a religious aristocracy and its patrons. The *Rig Veda* indicates a diversity of religious practices. The Vedic hymns divide the universe into the sky (*dyu*), earth (*prthivi*) and the middle realm (*antariksha*). Other important Vedic rituals include:
|
21. Varna Concept as Theoretical Model (Ancient India)
21. Varna Concept as Theoretical Model (Ancient India)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Why may the varna concept always have been largely a theoretical model rather than an actual description of society? | Theory vs Practice Across Periods: The earliest reference to the division of society into four strata occurs in the *Purushasukta*, a hymn in Book 10 of the *Rig veda samhita*. Since it is a later book, fourfold *varna* order is seen as a feature of later Vedic text. Our information on the *varna* concept comes largely from the ancient Indian Brahmanical law book (*Dharmasutras*). The concept of *varna* assumes the characteristics of: status by birth, a hierarchical ordering of social units and rules of endogamy and ritual purity. Theoretically the vocations prescribed for the fourfold *varna* are: (1) Brahmana — studying and teaching the vedas, performing sacrifices for himself and others; (2) Kshatriya — studying, performing sacrifices for himself and protecting people; (3) Vaishyas — agriculture, cattle rearing, trade and money lending; (4) Sudra — serving higher *varnas*. However the *varna* concept in the available sources is not always corroborated, in fact it is occasionally even contradicted, by many sources. In early Vedic texts, the words ‘*brahmana*’ and ‘*kshatriya*’ occur frequently but the term *varna* is never associated with them. Though they seem to have been a group who enjoyed respect, there are no indication that the membership of this group was based on birth. The words *vaishya* and *sudra* are absent. A Rig Vedic hymn suggests that a man could aspire different sorts of vocations and goals in life. This indicates the absence of a strict social hierarchy and the existence of the element of social mobility. Later Vedic texts divide society into four social groups with different degree of access to productive resources. While the later Vedic texts suggest that the society was becoming increasingly stratified there was still a certain amount of fluidity in occupations. In the post-Vedic period, the four fold order of *varna* was central to the social discourse of the brahmanical tradition. The *varnas* were theoretically supposed to be endogamous but the *Dharmashastra* accepted certain types of inter-varna marriages i.e. *Anuloma* marriages and they disapproved *Pratiloma* marriages. The fact that the texts discuss and grade inter-varna marriages suggests that such marriages did take place and that *varnas* were not strictly endogamous. *Dharmashastra* texts also reveal the gap between theory and practice in their relationship between *varna* and occupation in their theory of *apad-dharma* (*dharma* in times of distress). According to this theory, in times of emergency, adversity, or distress, a person could be forced to pursue vocations that would normally be considered inappropriate for members of his *varna*. On the basis of Buddhist texts, a twofold division of society into upper and lower categories (*ukkatthajati* and *hinajati*) constituting the *varna* has been more commonly in use. The *Bhaddasala Jataka* tells us the story of a prince who became a potter, basket maker, florist, and cook. Other stories tell of a prince becoming trader, a young man from a noble family becoming an archer; brahmanas as taking to trade, living as hunters and trappers, farming, hiring themselves as cow herd etc. Theoretically, the office of kingship was prerogative of kshatriyas, but in practice the office was held by several non-kshatriyas. For example: The Mauryas, the Guptas, the foreign ruling groups like Sakas, Kushanas etc (*vrata-kshatriyas* or lower kshatriyas). Thus the *varna* was more a theoretical construct tied to the upper categories and a person’s identity in the society was based more on occupation, *kula* (lineage) and *jati* (caste). |
22. Social Mobility and Post-Mauryan Varna–Jati Transition
22. Social Mobility and Post-Mauryan Varna–Jati Transition
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did social mobility operate from Vedic to post-Mauryan times, and how did jati crystallise? | Changing Nature of Social Mobility: Social mobility was always present in India but its nature kept changing. In the Early Vedic period there was no caste division. Occupation was not based on birth. Members of a family could adopt different occupations. However certain differences did exist during the period. *Varna* or color was the basis of initial differentiation between the Vedic and non-Vedic people. The Vedic people were fair whereas the non-Vedic indigenous people were dark in complexion and spoke a different language. Thus, the *Rigveda* mentions *arya varna* and *dasa varna*. Here *dasa* has been used in the sense of a group different from the Rigvedic people. Later, *dasa* came to mean a slave. The warriors, priests and the ordinary people were the three sections of the Rigvedic tribe. The *sudra* category came into existence only towards the end of the Rigvedic period. This means that the division of society in the early Vedic period was not sharp. In the later Vedic phase there was the rise and growth of social differentiation in the form of *varna* system. The four *varnas* in which society came to be divided were the brahmanas, kshatriyas, vaishyas and shudras. The shudras, the fourth *varna* were at the bottom of the social hierarchy. They were ordained to be in the service of the three upper *varnas*. They were not entitled to the ritual of *upanayana samskara*. The other three *varnas* were entitled to such a ceremony and hence they were known as *dvijas*. This can be construed as the beginning of the imposition of disabilities on the shudras as well as the beginning of the concept of ritual pollution. |
| What post-Mauryan developments transformed varna into a jati-based social order? | Post-Mauryan *Jati* Formation: *Varna* system in *Dharma-sastras* divide the society into four *varnas* (Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishya and Shudras); those who fall out of this system because of their grievous sins are ostracised as outcastes (untouchables) and considered outside the *Varna* system. Olivelle writes, “we see no instance when a term of pure/impure is used with reference to a group of individuals or a *varna* or caste”. The only mention of impurity in the Shastra texts from the 1st millennium is about people who commit grievous sins and thereby fall out of their *varna*. These, writes Olivelle, are called “fallen people” and impure, declaring that they be ostracized. Concepts of *Jatis* emerged within the *varna* system through fragmentation, consolidation as well as the incorporation of tribal and foreign communities within a structure which regulated hierarchy through marriage rules and endogamy. The earliest use of *jati* in connection with a *Varna* is found in the *Nirukta* which speaks of a woman of a *shudra jati*. Around second century B.C. concepts of *vratya* and *varnasamkara* were invented because of the assimilation of widely divergent social, economic and cultural groups. These two concepts largely contributed to the formation of separate *jatis* due to non performance of the sacred duty (*vratya*) or because of the mixed marriages of original founder couples (*varnasamkara* or confusion of class). These theoretical devices, it is believed, were highly successful in extending the *Varna* system into the *jati* system. Type of inter-marriages were hypergamous (with the direction of hair i.e. *Anulom*) and hypogamous (against the hair i.e. *Pratilom*). The *vratya* and *varnasamkara* concepts seem to have led to a dilution or modification of the *Varna* concepts particularly in the early historical period. The notions of *vaishya* and *shudra Varna* acquired new meanings which favoured a shift from the relative purity of function to relative purity of birth implied in the transition from *Varna* to *jati*. The process of evolution of *jatis* under the broad categories of *varnas* acquired a new dimension in the post-Mauryan period. The chief characteristic of the *jati* system was the crisis in the old order and the lawgiver’s desperation to preserve brahmanical society, not only by ordaining rigorous measures against the shudras, but also by inventing suitable genealogies for the incorporation of foreign elements into *varna* society. Manu lays down that, if in times of distress the *vaishya* cannot support himself by his own occupations he should take to the occupations of the shudras. This shows that the distinction between the functions of the vaishyas and the shudras was being gradually obliterated. Possibly they sometimes refused to perform their duties. To prevent this situation, the *dharmashastra* writers suggested measures of both coercion and concessions. The Satavahanas declared themselves to have been the restorer of *varnashramadharma*. Thus, we can see *Varna* system was more based on individual basis than for community. But with time it shifted to community. There are many legends that talk about up-gradation of person from one class to another with practice of penance and piety. But over the time it became virtually impossible to upgrade but progressively easier to fall. Over the time it became difficult for individual to upgrade in the social order, but social mobilization was always evident in Indian society. |
23. Transformation of Egalitarian Character: Early to Later Vedic
23. Transformation of Egalitarian Character: Early to Later Vedic
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| In what ways was the relatively egalitarian Early Vedic society transformed in the Later Vedic period? | Six Axes of Change — With Caveats: The Vedic age can be divided into two periods based on chronology. The early Vedic age corresponds to `1500 B.C.` to `1000 B.C.` and the later Vedic age corresponds to `1000` to `600 B.C.` The chief source of information for the early Vedic age is the *Rig Veda Samhita* and for the later Vedic period are Books 1, 8, 9, and 10 of the *Rig Veda Samhita*, the Samhitas of the Sama, Yajur, and Atharva Vedas, and the Brahmanas, Aranyakas, and Upanishads attached to all the four Vedas. The egalitarian character changed along several axes: (1) The word *Rajan* of the *Rig Veda* refers to a ‘chieftain’ rather than as ‘king’; in later Vedic texts the *Rajan* emerged as the wielder of supreme political power which involved his distancing himself from his kinsmen; hereditary kingship was also emerging; terms such as *samrajya* and *Samrat* reflect imperial aspirations. (2) Later Vedic texts reflect a transition from a tribal polity based on lineage to a territorial state. (3) In early Vedic age, *Bali* was voluntary and a regular taxation system had not yet emerged; in later Vedic times, *Bali* gradually became obligatory. (4) Assemblies (*sabha*, *Samiti* and *vidatha*) played an important role in redistribution of resources and maintaining an egalitarian society but with the increase in royal power, the power of the assemblies declined considerably. (5) *Varna* System — in early Vedic texts *Brahmana* and *Kshatriya* occur frequently but the term *varna* is never associated with them and membership was not based on birth; four-fold *varna* order is a feature of later Vedic society via the *Purusha-sukta*. (6) Condition of Women — early period has women sages, ritual participation, *sabha* attendance; later period shows hierarchical husband–wife and father–son relations, pollution of menstruating blood, and fewer instances of remarriage, choice of husband, or unmarried women like Ghosha. However, neither the early Vedic society was egalitarian in all aspects nor the later Vedic society was stratified in all the aspects. Early Vedic society was also patriarchal and patrilineal; there were no women priests; women did not perform sacrifices in their own right; slavery existed. Some egalitarian features continued: the notion of individual private property owners did not exist in both periods; the clan as a whole enjoyed rights over major resources such as land and herds; there was still a certain amount of fluidity in occupations; women like Gargi and Maitreyi participated in philosophical debate with sages. |
24. Megalithic Cultures
24. Megalithic Cultures
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How is the term megalith defined, and what restriction limits its archaeological usage? | Definition and Restricted Usage: The term ‘megalith’ is derived from Greek *megas*, which means great, and *lithos*, meaning stone. So, ‘megaliths’ refer to the monuments built of large stones. But all monuments constructed of big stones are not megaliths. The term has a restricted usage and is applied only to a particular class of monuments or structures, which are built of large stones and have some sepulchral (grave like), commemorative or ritualistic association except the hero stones or memorial stones. The megaliths usually refer to the burials made of large stones in graveyards away from the habitation area. |
→ Chronology of South Indian Megalithic Cultures
→ Chronology of South Indian Megalithic Cultures
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What chronological span is assigned to South Indian megaliths, and on what ceramic and radiocarbon anchors? | From BRW Dating to Radiocarbon and Ceramic Overlap: Based on archaeological evidence — first on the basis of Brahmagiri excavation, dating the megaliths on the basis of a characteristic ceramic (pottery) type, the Black and Red Ware (BRW), which is available in all types of megaliths in South India — these cultures are placed between the `3rd c. B.C.` and the `1st c. A.D.` But Megalithic culture of South India had a much larger chronological span. The problem in ascertaining the chronological span of the megalithic cultures in South India lies in the fact that only a few radiocarbon dates are so far available from megalithic habitations. The habitation site at **Hallur** gave a date of `1000 B.C.` for the earliest phase of these cultures. This phase is correlated with the graves at **Tadakanahalli**, 4 kms away from this site. Two radiocarbon dates for the sites at **Naikund** and **Takalghat** place Vidarbha megaliths in circa `600 B.C.` In Tamilnadu, **Paiyampalli** recorded a date of circa `4th c. B.C.` On the basis of explorations and excavations, the date of the megaliths is pushed in North Karnataka region as early as `1200 B.C.` As the megalithic culture overlapped with the end phases of neolithic-chalcolithic culture, it is found in association with neolithic-chalcolithic wares at the lower end and with the rouletted ware (the first millennium AD) at the upper end. On this basis the time bracket of the megalithic cultures in South India may be placed between `1000 B.C.` and `A.D. 100`. However, the available archaeological data suggests that the period of their maximum popularity lies somewhere between `600 B.C.` and `A.D. 100`. |
→ Origin and Routes of Arrival
→ Origin and Routes of Arrival
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How is the Indian megalithic culture linked to West Asia, and by which routes is its arrival into the subcontinent explained? | Dravidian Speakers, West Asian Parallel and Dual Routes: In the context of India this culture arrived with the Dravidian speakers who came to South India from West Asia by sea. But we find that the typical West Asian megaliths yielded the bronze objects and this culture came to an end in the last phase of their Bronze Age around `1500 B.C.` The Indian megaliths, on the other hand, belong to the Iron Age generally dated to `1000 B.C.` onwards. It is yet not certain when and how iron technology developed and became an integral part of the megalithic culture. The material and chronological differences between the megalithic culture of northern India and southern India suggest that the coming of this culture into the Indian subcontinent would have taken place by two routes by two different groups — one following the sea route from the Gulf of Oman to the West coast of India and the other following the land route from Iran. The complex pattern of widely different burial practices that are all lumped together and comprised in the term ‘megaliths’ is the result of mingling of various traditions and developments during a long period. |
→ Geographical Spread
→ Geographical Spread
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Where are megaliths concentrated in India, and which northern, western and Himalayan parallels are reported? | Deccan Concentration and Pan-Indian Distribution: These megaliths have been found in different chronological contexts practically all over India, from the plains of Panjab, the Indo-Gangetic basin, the desert of Rajasthan, the northern part of Gujarat and especially all regions south of Nagpur in Peninsular India. It survives as a living tradition in the north-eastern part of India and in the Nilgiris. The main concentration of the megalithic cultures in India was the Deccan, especially south of the river Godavari. However, large-stone structures resembling some of the usual megalith types have also been reported from some places in North India, Central India and Western India. These include: **Seraikala** in Bihar; **Deodhoora** in Almora district and **Khera** near Fatehpur Sikri of Uttar Pradesh; Nagpur; **Chanda** and **Bhandra** districts of Madhya Pradesh; **Deosa**, near Jaipur in Rajasthan. Similar monuments or structures are also found near **Karachi** in Pakistan, near **Leh** in the Himalayas and at **Burzahom** in Jammu and Kashmir. However, their wide distribution in the southern region of India suggests that it was essentially a South Indian feature which flourished at least for a thousand years. |
→ Sepulchral Megaliths: Primary and Secondary Burials
→ Sepulchral Megaliths: Primary and Secondary Burials
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How do primary and secondary sepulchral megaliths store the dead, and what surface markers accompany them? | Primary Burials, Secondary Burials and Surface Markers: The sepulchral (containing remains of the dead) megaliths can store the remains of the dead in a variety of forms. They could be primary burials, in which case the dead is interned soon after his or her death and it will contain a complete skeleton with some additional material as homage to the dead for the dead to use in afterlife. In some cases, these primary burials may also be in a sarcophagus made of terracotta. The whole chamber of burial therefore is a rich source of information. Secondary burials are also common when the remains of the dead, essentially his or her bones, are put in urns or pits. The location of the dead is most often marked with stone circles but cairns and slab circles are also found on the surface. A common feature of these megaliths is that they generally are of dimensions of a typical human or even smaller and on occasion the area is isolated with stone circles. |
→ Megalithic Culture as the Iron Age of South India
→ Megalithic Culture as the Iron Age of South India
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Why is South Indian megalithic culture identified as a full-fledged Iron Age culture, and how did disposal of the dead change? | Iron Universality and Cemetery Disposal: The megalithic culture in South India was a full-fledged iron age culture when the great benefits of the use of this metal were fully realised by the people. Hence, normally stone dropped out of use as a material for the weapons and tools to a large extent. The megalithic people found out new uses of stones in their daily life. Most of the information about the iron age in South India comes from the excavations of the megalithic burials. Iron objects have been found universally in all the megalithic sites right from **Junapani** near Nagpur in the Vidharba region (Central India) down to **Adichanallur** in Tamilnadu in the far south. With the introduction of iron there was a gradual change in almost everything except perhaps the house plans. But of all these changes the most remarkable was the elaborate method of disposing the dead. This became a characteristic feature of the South Indian regions. Instead of laying the dead accompanied by four or five pots in a pit in the house, now the dead were buried in a separate place — a cemetery or a graveyard away from the house. The remains of the dead were collected perhaps after exposing the body for sometime and then the bones were placed underground in a specially prepared stone box called a cist. The cists were elaborate structures and must have necessitated an amount of planning and cooperation among the community and the existence of masons and other craftsmen capable of manufacturing the required size of stones, large and small. It is probable that these megaliths must have been planned and kept ready before the death of an individual. |
→ Classification of the Megaliths (Eight Types)
→ Classification of the Megaliths (Eight Types)
| Cue Words | Notes | ||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Into what eight categories are Indian megalithic burials classified? | Eightfold Classification: The megalithic burials show a variety of methods for the disposal of the dead. Moreover, there are megaliths which are internally different but exhibit the same external features. The megaliths can be classified under different categories:
|
→→ Rock Cut Caves
→→ Rock Cut Caves
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Where do rock-cut cave tombs occur, and what four types are recognised in the Cochin region? | Laterite Rock-Cut Tombs of Kerala and Beyond: Rock cut caves are scooped out on soft laterite, as found in the southern part of the West Coast. These rock cut cave tombs are peculiar to this region and occur in the Cochin and Malabar regions of Kerala. The laterite rocks cut caves of the burial site constitute three chambers. They also occur in other regions. On the East Coast of South India, they are present in **Mamallapuram** near Madras. These rock cut burial caves in Cochin region are of four types — (i) Caves with central pillar, (ii) Caves without central pillar, (iii) Caves with a deep opening, and (iv) Multi-chambered caves. |
→→ Hood Stones (Kudaikallu) and Cap Stones (Toppikkals)
→→ Hood Stones (Kudaikallu) and Cap Stones (Toppikkals)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How do hood stones and cap stones cover underground burials, and where are they distributed? | *Kudaikallu*, *Toppikkal* and Noyyal Valley Spread: Allied with the rock cut caves but of a simpler form are the Hood stones or *Kudaikallu*, mostly found in Kerala. These consist of a dome-shaped dressed laterite block which covers the underground circular pit cut into a natural rock and provided with a stairway. In some cases the hood stone gives place to a cap stone or *toppikkal*, which is a plano-convex slab resting on three or four quadrilateral boulders. This also covers an underground burial pit containing the funerary urn and other grave furnishings. Unlike as in the rock cut caves, there is no chamber apart from this open pit in which itself the burial is made. Usually, it contains a burial urn covered with a convex or dome-shaped pottery lid or a stone slab and contains skeletal remains, small pots and, sometimes ashes. Similar monuments are commonly encountered in Cochin and Malabar regions extending along the Western Ghats into the Coimbatore region up to the Noyyal river valley in Tamilnadu. |
→→ Menhirs, Alignments and Avenues
→→ Menhirs, Alignments and Avenues
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What are menhirs, alignments and avenues, and which sites and literary terms document them? | Commemorative Pillars and Linear Arrangements: Menhirs are monolithic pillars planted vertically into the ground. These may be small or gigantic in height. They are dressed or not dressed at all. These are essentially commemorative stone pillars set up at or near a burial spot. These menhirs are mentioned in ancient Tamil literature as *nadukal* and are often called *Pandukkal* or *Pandil*. In some cases, the menhirs are not planted in ground but rest on the original ground propped up with a mass of rubble as at **Maski**. These occur in a number of sites in close vicinity of other types of megalithic burials, mostly in different regions of Kerala and Bellary, Raichur and Gulbarga regions of Karnataka in large numbers, but less frequently at other places of South India. **Mizoram’s** first ‘monument’ — the menhirs of **Vangchhia** village, Champai district of Mizoram. The actual site where the **171** menhirs stand is known as **Kawtchhuah Ropui**, meaning the Great Entranceway. Menhirs or monoliths are found in Meghalaya, Nagaland and Andhra Pradesh but are not common in the rest of India. Alignments are closely associated to the menhirs. These consist of a series of standing stones. These stones are sometimes dressed. The alignments are found at **Komalaparathala** in Kerala and at a number of sites in Gulbarga, Raichur, Nalgonda and Mahboobnagar districts of Karnataka. Avenues consist of two or more parallel rows of the alignments and hence many of the sites under alignments may be considered as examples of this category of monuments when they are in parallel lines. Menhirs are also attested in Manipur; a notable menhir megalith stands in **Hazaribagh**, Jharkhand. |
→→ Dolmenoid Cists and Slab Cists
→→ Dolmenoid Cists and Slab Cists
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How are dolmenoid cists constructed, where do they cluster, and what Tamil Nadu sub-types exist? | Orthostats, Capstones, Sanur, Marayur and Sub-Types: Dolmenoid cists consist of square or rectangular box-like graves built of several orthostats (upright stone or slab) — one or more for each side — supporting the superincumbent capstone consisting of one or more stones, often with the floor also paved with the stone slabs. The orthostats and the capstones might be formed either of undressed rough blocks of stone or partly dressed stones. The dolmenoid cists occur in large number at **Sanur** near Chingleput (T.N.) and many other sites in this region. The cists built of dressed slabs or the slab cists are the normal type of cists, occurring all over South India, as also in some parts of the north. Dolmens of **Marayur** in Kerala are also famous; Marayur is also famous for ancient rock paintings. There are many sub-types of this in Tamilnadu: dolmenoid cist with multiple orthostats; dolmenoid cist with four orthostats with U-shaped port-hole in the east or west; dolmenoid cist with four orthostats with U-shaped port-hole on the top corner of the eastern orthostat; and dolmenoid cist with four orthostats with slab-circles. A Munda dolmen with a table-top capstone is attested in Jharkhand. |
→→ Cairn Circles
→→ Cairn Circles
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What is a cairn circle, and how do pit burials, sarcophagi and urn burials under cairns differ in form and distribution? | Rubble Heaps, Pit Burials, Sarcophagi and Urn Variants: The cairn circles are one of the most popular types of megalithic monuments occurring all over South India in association with other types. They consist of a heap of stone rubble enclosed within a circle of boulders. Megalithic burial sites (cairn-circles) discovered near **Veeranam** in Tiruvannamalai district can be dated to `1,000 BCE`–`300 CE`. The granite slabs of the dolmenoid cists are strewn around. The pit burials under the cairn circles consist of deep pits dug into the soil, roughly circular, square or oblong on plan. The skeletal remains and the grave furniture were placed on the floors of these pits. The pits were then filled up with earth. Above this earth filling was placed the cairn heap which might be just a thin layer or may rise up to 3 to 4 ft. above the ground level and bounded by a circle of stones. Such pit burials have been found at many sites in the Chingleput (Tamilnadu), Chitradurg and Gulbarga (Karnataka) districts. **Sithannavasal**, Pudukkottai district, Tamil Nadu, has burial grounds with chamber tombs with stone circles. A sarcophagus is literally a legged coffin made of terracotta. The cairn circles containing sarcophagi entombments are comparatively more widespread than the pit burials. They are similar to the pit burials but the skeletal remains and the primary deposits of the grave furniture are placed in an oblong terracotta sarcophagus. This sarcophagus is generally provided with a convex terracotta lid, rows of legs at the bottom and often with a capstone at a higher level. Such megalithic structures are found from South Arcot, Chingleput and North Arcot districts of Tamilnadu, and Kolar district of Karnataka. A sarcophagus was unearthed from **Pallavaram** in Kancheepuram district. The urn burials under the cairn circles are a variant form of the sarcophagi burials and occur in large number in most parts of South India. The urns (a pot) in which the burials are made are deposited in pits dug into the soil. The pits are filled up with the soil up to the ground level and are frequently provided with a capstone. Then, the heap of cairns on the surface, which marks the burial, is surrounded by a circle of stones. They are predominant in: Kerala; Madurai, Tiruchirapalli, Coimbatore, Nilgiris, Salem, Chingleput and South Arcot districts of Tamilnadu; Kolar, Bangalore, Hassan, Chitradurg, Bellary, Raichur and Gulbarga districts of Karnataka; various districts of Andhra Pradesh; and the region around Nagpur. The urn in the foreground found at **Adichanallur** resembles burial urns found at Malwa in Madhya Pradesh, suggesting trade contacts between the two regions. |
→→ Stone Circles
→→ Stone Circles
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Why are stone circles the most commonly encountered megalithic monuments, and what is included under this strict category? | Most Common Form without Considerable Cairn Filling: Stone circles are the most commonly encountered megalithic monuments in India. They reflect the features of various forms of megalithic monuments such as the *Kudaikallu*, *Topikkal*, different types of pit burials, menhirs, dolmenoid cists of different types, cairns, etc. These occur from the southern tip of the peninsula up to the Nagpur region and in different parts of North India. But in this category under consideration, only stone circles without any considerable cairn filling within the circle, containing burial pits with or without urns or sarcophagi, are included. |
→→ Pit Burials (Urn Burials without Megalithic Appendage)
→→ Pit Burials (Urn Burials without Megalithic Appendage)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Why are some urn pit burials classed with megalithic culture despite lacking surface megalithic features? | Pyriform/Fuciform Urns, BRW Traits and Adichanallur Twin Pots: Burials in pyriform or fuciform urns — large conical jars containing the funerary deposits — are buried in the underground pits specially dug for the purpose into the hard natural soil and sometimes into the basal rock and the pits are filled up. In these kinds of burials we do not find any surface indication of the burial in the form of a stone circle, cairn heap, hood stone or hat (cap) stone, or even a menhir. These urn burials are without any megalithic appendage. This class of megalithic burials cannot be included under the megalithic burial monuments, because no megalith is observed in relation to them. But they exhibit the general traits of the megalithic culture of South India, characterized by the use of the typically megalithic Black-and-red ware (BRW) and associated wares with iron objects. These grave goods are identical with their counterparts found in the regular megalithic burials. Moreover, these occur in the general areas where the typical megalithic burials exist. In fact, these urn burials do not differ in any detail from the urn burials under a stone or cairn circle of the megalithic order, except for the surface features. These urn burials without megalithic appendage are found in many sites of Tamilnadu like **Adichanallur**, **Gopalasamiparambu** and scores of other sites. However, these occur less abundantly in Karnataka and Andhra regions. Even in North India, these urn burials are frequently observed at a number of Harappan and the Later Chalcolithic sites in Western, Central and North-western India, but their context is completely different from the South Indian urn burials. An urn burial in Adichanallur containing skeletons, covered with another urn in what is called a twin pot system, shows the care with which the dead were buried. |
→→ Barrows
→→ Barrows
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What are barrows, and where in India have they been observed? | Earthen Mounds over Underground Burials: The barrows or earthen mounds mark off the underground burials. They may be either a circular barrow, oblong on plan, or a long barrow. They have or may not have the surrounding stone circles or ditches. Monuments of this kind have not been found in large numbers in India. However, such monuments have been observed in the Hassan district of Karnataka. |
→ Grave Goods in Megalithic Burials
→ Grave Goods in Megalithic Burials
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What classes of objects furnish South Indian megalithic graves, and what belief does this practice express? | Afterlife Provision and Categories of Furniture: The megalithic burials have yielded a variety of objects, which prove to be very important in the study of megalithic culture. It is observed that right from the Later Palaeolithic period, an intentional burial was accorded to the dead for manifold motives. The megalithic people were no exception to the age-old custom and therefore took pains to construct elaborate and much labour-consuming tombs. They furnished them with as many essential objects as they could afford. They thought this practice to be necessary as they believed in after-life of the dead. And so, the dead were suitably provided for a place to live in with goods of their essential needs. In the Indian megalithic especially those in South India, the grave furniture consisted of: a large variety of pottery; weapons and implements mostly of iron but often of stone or copper; ornaments like beads of terracotta, semi-precious stones, gold or copper, shell, etc., strung into necklaces or rarely the ear or nose ornaments, armlets or bracelets and diadems; often food as indicated by the presence of paddy husk and chaff, and some other cereals; skeletal remains of animals, sometimes complete in these graves. |
→ Subsistence Pattern
→ Subsistence Pattern
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Were megalithic communities purely nomadic pastoralists, and what mixed economy do they show? | Sedentary Mixed Economy: Megalithic sites were initially understood as settlements of nomadic pastoralists. However, the evidence clearly indicates that early iron age communities in the far south lived on a combination of agriculture, hunting, fishing, and animal husbandry. There is also evidence of well-developed craft traditions. These features, along with the megalithic monuments themselves, suggest sedentary living. |
→→ Agriculture and Tank Irrigation
→→ Agriculture and Tank Irrigation
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What agrarian innovations, crops and site-location logic mark megalithic agriculture? | Tank Irrigation, Crops and Field–Grave Separation: The basis of their economy was agriculture. In fact, the megalith builders were responsible for the introduction of the advanced methods of agriculture on a large scale, based on irrigation. The megalithic builders introduced the ‘tank-irrigation’ in South India and thus brought a revolutionary change in the agricultural system. People grew cereals, millets, and pulses. Charred grains of horse gram, green gram, and possibly ragi were found at **Paiyampalli**. Rice, an essentially irrigational crop, served as their staple food. Paddy husks and rarely paddy grains are reported from a number of excavated graves from all over the region. Rice, as attested by the Sangam literature, is the staple food of the people of South India since very early times and remains till today. Rice husk occurred at Coorg and **Khapa** (in Karnataka), and **Hallur** yielded charred grains of ragi. Rice grains were found in one of the tombs at **Kunnatur** (in Tamil Nadu). Naturally, there were some regional variations in the crops grown. Pestles and grinding stones have been found at some megalithic sites. For instance, a granite grinding stone was found in a cist at **Machad** (in Kerala). The location of megalithic sites close to irrigation tanks (mostly rain fed, some fed by streams) was more than a coincidence. Location of sites near water sources and agricultural implements also suggest the existence of agriculture. These highly intelligent and pragmatic communities were to see that the fertile arable lands were not wasted from encroachments by their graves. Unproductive foot-hills, rocky and gravelly lands were used for the location of their graves, while lower down, the plains were reserved for agricultural purposes. But they seem to have considered that the spirit of their dead ancestors would not only guard but also bestow prosperity on their fields and hence located massive though empty dolmens in the midst of their fields as at **Uttaramerur** in Tamilnadu. |
→→ Pastoralism
→→ Pastoralism
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Which animals were domesticated, and what form of pastoralism predominated? | Cattle-Centred Domestication Continuity: The frequent occurrence of animal bones — of both wild and domesticated species — indicates domestication and hunting. The cattle, sheep, goat, dog, pig, horse, buffalo, fowl, ass etc. were among the domesticated animals. Cattle (including buffalo) were the most important domesticated animal. This brings out two important facts. First, the earlier neolithic tradition of cattle keeping was continued. Second, cattle pastoralism and not sheep/goat pastoralism formed a major preoccupation of megalithic society. The occurrence of the remains of domesticated pig and fowl suggests pig rearing and poultry farming on a small scale at many of the sites. |
→→ Hunting and Fishing
→→ Hunting and Fishing
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What hunting equipment, wild fauna and fishing evidence are recovered from megalithic contexts? | Weapons, Fauna, Paintings and Fish-Hooks: Hunting naturally augmented the food supply, as the equipment for hunting, like arrowheads, spears and javelins would indicate. Sling was probably another equipment used for hunting by megalithic people, as attested by the large scale findings of stone balls. The occurrence of skeletal remains of wild fauna like wild boar, hyena, barking deer, chousingha, sambar, chital, nilgai, peacock, leopard, tiger, cheetah, sloth bear, wild hog, pea fowl, jungle fowl, water fowl, etc. from different sites indicate that these species were hunted and formed part of their dietary system. Some clues to subsistence practice of hunting come from paintings and figurines. Hunting scenes are depicted at **Marayur** and **Attala** (in Kerala). At **Hire Benkal** (in Karnataka), there are scenes of hunting, showing peahens, peacocks, stags, and antelopes, as well as scenes of people dancing in groups. Fishing: The evidence in the form of terracotta net sinkers from **Takalghat** and fish-hooks from **Khapa** and **Tangal** besides the actual skeletal remains of fish from **Yelleshwaram** reflect that fishing was also practised. Fishhooks have been found in some megalithic graves in Tamil Nadu. |
→ Technology: Industries and Crafts
→ Technology: Industries and Crafts
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Which specialised crafts formed the industrial side of megalithic economy? | Specialised Craft Traditions: The megalithic sites of South India give evidence of well-developed traditions of specialized crafts. The industrial activities such as smithery, carpentry, pottery making, lapidary (art of working with precious stone), basketry and stone cutting formed other economic activities of megalithic society. |
→→ Metals, Smelting and Metallurgy
→→ Metals, Smelting and Metallurgy
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What metals, smelting evidence and implement categories define megalithic metallurgy? | Iron Dominance, Local Smelting and Other Metals: There are many megalithic sites which were the production sites of metals like iron, copper, gold, silver etc. The archaeological evidence in the form of crucibles, smelting-furnaces, clay tuyers and presence of material like iron ore pieces, iron slag, copper slag and traces of ancient copper, gold mines or the mineral resources at or near to these sites is suggestive of smithery. There is evidence of local smelting of iron at **Paiyampalli** (Karnataka). An efficient utilisation of metallic resources is dependent upon availability of fuel and type of fuel capable of producing the required degree of temperature. The most common type of fuel used by these pre-industrial smelters were charcoal, wood dung and paddy husk. The available archaeological evidence indicates the utilisation of metal implements such as axes, plough shares, hoes, sickles, spades, etc. The use of axe was either for cutting logs or for clearing forests. The use of hoe (or bladed harrow) for cultivation has been recorded at many sites. The use of ploughshare from many sites amply attests to the technological base of megalithic people for carrying out the agricultural operations. Iron objects generally outnumber objects made of other metals at megalithic sites. The large volume and variety of iron artefacts indicate the metal’s widespread use in everyday life: utensils; weapons (arrowheads, spearheads, swords, knives, etc.); carpentry tools (axes, chisels, adzes); and agricultural implements (sickles, hoes, coulters — the vertical blade fixed in front of a ploughshare). Other more elaborate objects found in burials may have had ritualistic functions. The rich variety of iron objects enables us in understanding the aspects of their economy and their way of life to a large extent. These objects reflect that agriculture was their primary occupation as a large number of iron tools necessary for agricultural activities are found at different sites. There are copper and bronze artefacts such as utensils, bowls, and bangles; a few silver and gold ornaments also occur. Copper was used for the production of vessels and ornaments. Though **Adichannallur** burials and Nilgiris yielded bronze objects, the use of bronze at these two sites are exceptions. The ornaments were also made of gold. The use of silver was rather scarce. Different sorts of metallurgical techniques were used in the manufacture of metal artefacts. Some of the copper and bronze objects were evidently cast in moulds, others were hammered into shape. Some communities knew how to alloy metals. |
→→ Woodcraft and Carpentry
→→ Woodcraft and Carpentry
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What tool-kit, plant species and architectural uses of wood are attested? | Tool-Kit, Timber Construction and Mortice Joinery: The evidence shows that the axes, chisels, wedges, adzes, anvil, borers, hammer stones, etc., formed the main tool-kit for working on the wood. The archaeo-botanical evidence show that the information regarding some of the plant species like Acacia, Pinus, Brassica, Stellaria, Teak, Satinwood etc. were already known to these communities. The use of wooden plough for cultivation cannot be set aside. Even now, the tillage implement common in black cotton soil tracts is the wooden plough. The woods were also used for posts in the construction of huts with thatched or reed roofs supported on wooden posts. Postholes are observed at **Brahmagiri** and **Maski** indicating the presence of timber constructions for domestic buildings. There was an advanced stage of wooden architecture involving dressing of wood and creating different types of mortice holes either for interlocking or for tenons. The common occurrence of these items suggests ample use of wood for construction and many other purposes. |
→→ Ceramics (Pottery)
→→ Ceramics (Pottery)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Which ceramic fabrics characterise megalithic culture, and what shapes and production evidence are known? | BRW, RCPW and Professional Potters: The ceramic fabrics associated with the megalithic culture are black-and-red ware (BRW), burnished black ware, red ware, micaceous red ware, grey ware, and russet coated painted ware (RCPW). BRW, which is a wheel-turned pottery, consists of utilitarian shapes and a majority of the forms probably served as tableware of megalithic society. The prominent shapes encountered in this ware are varieties of bowls, dishes, lids or covers, vases, basins, legged jars and channel-spouted vessels. The burnished black ware, which is also wheel-turned, comprises some prominent shapes such as elongated vases, tulip-shaped lids, funnel-shaped lids, goblets, spouted vessels, circular ring-stands, knobbed and rimmed lids with bird or animal finials. In red ware the shapes are utilitarian which include legged vessels, double knobbed lids, ring-stands, dough plates and vases. The micaceous red ware exhibits typical shapes like pots with globular body and funnel-shaped mouth, dough plates and basins. Decorations in the form of cording, applique and painted designs have also been noticed. Of all the types, the most attractive are the RCPW with wavy lines and other decorations. They are occasionally bearing post-firing graffiti. Russet-coated jars are recovered from several sites. Some pots with lids with decorated finials in the shape of birds or animals appear to be ceremonial wares. All these varieties of pottery are characterised by a fine fabric and are produced from well levigated clay rarely with sand or such gritty material. They were well fired in open kilns at low temperature. The evidence of pottery kilns from sites such as **Polakonda** and **Beltada Banahalli** can be taken as supportive evidence for the practice of this craft. A wide variety of shapes in different fabrics served as tableware for eating and drinking purposes and cooking utensils. The technical efficiency evident in the preparation of these ceramics or potteries might hint at a professional class of potters and pottery making as one of the important economic activities. An earthen pot and its lid are known from Adichanallur, Tamilnadu. A range of red ware, black ware, and black-and-red ware has been excavated, including pottery wares from the megalithic burial site of Iron Age excavated at **Sengalur** village in Pudukottai district. A potsherd with the motifs of a woman, a stalk of paddy, a crane, a deer and a crocodile is known from Adichanallur. |
→→ Bead Making, Mat Weaving, Stone Cutting, Toys and Rock Art
→→ Bead Making, Mat Weaving, Stone Cutting, Toys and Rock Art
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What miscellaneous crafts — beads, mats, stone-cutting, toys and painting — complete the megalithic craft spectrum? | Lapidary, Mats, Stonework, Toys and Authorship of Rock Art: A number of objects ranging from single terracotta beads to very finely manufactured gold ornaments were used by the megalithic folk for their personal decoration. Grave goods included etched carnelian beads and beads of other material as well. The evidence of bead making industry attested at two megalithic sites — **Mahurjhari** and **Kodumanal** — is suggestive of the practice of this craft. The availability of a large variety of beads show that agate, carnelian, chalcedony, feldspar, coral, crystal, garnet, jasper, tremolite, magnesite, faience, paste, quartz, serpentine, shell, steatite, amethyst and terracotta were utilised in the preparation of beads of different exquisite shapes. Apart from the use of semi-precious stones, some of the shapes have also been worked on precious metals like gold, shell, horn, bone and glass. The mat impressions left on the base of jars at sites like **Managondanahalli** and **Nagarjunakonda** indicate that the art of mat-weaving was practised. The activity of stone-cutting is attested by: the chisel impressions noticed at **Borgaon Khurd** (Maharashtra) on a stone trough; excellent laterite cutting evidenced in rock-cut chamber tombs of Kerala region; chamber tombs in North Karnataka; and the occurrence of domestic stone artefacts such as pestles, mortars, saddle querns, etc., at many megalithic sites. Terracotta discs, figurines, gamesman, miniature pottery vessels found from graves attest their use as toys for entertainment of children. This is suggested by the discovery of a disc in the grave of a child. On the basis of the engravings and paintings on the rock-shelters in peninsular India, it is proved that these megalith builders were the authors of these paintings. There is evidence in Sangam literature also of the erection of burial stones with paintings as well as writings. Thus, we can say that the megalithic people practised many other craft industries apart from a highly specialised agro-pastoral economy. The divergent economic patterns, which seem to have prevailed then, were not isolated but had a symbiotic relationship with each other. |
→ Trade and Exchange Network
→ Trade and Exchange Network
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did inter-regional and maritime exchange networks involve megalithic communities by the 3rd century B.C.? | Craft Centres, Non-Local Goods and Long-Distance Traders: Some megalithic sites must have been centres of craft production linked to networks of exchange. This is suggested by the location of several large megalithic settlements on the trade routes of the early historical period. The excavations have yielded various non-local items among the grave goods which reflect that there were exchange activities during the megalithic period. Carnelian beads reported from coastal sites were points of exchange in ancient times. The availability of bronze suggests the arrivals of copper and an alloy, either tin or arsenic, from somewhere. The carnelian beads suggest the circulation of non-local goods through some forms of exchange. From the Graeco-Roman writings and the Tamil texts it is clear that at a little later period maritime exchange was the major source for procuring them. The archaeological remains like the rouletted ware, amphora and other ceramic materials found at many sites like those at **Arikamedu** are evidence for this. Inter-regional and intra-regional exchange of goods were fairly well established in South India by the `3rd c. B.C.` Regional variation in the production of commodities and the non-availability of local raw materials/finished goods had set in long-distance transactions under the initiative of the long distance traders from the Gangetic region as well as the overseas world. The exchange network which was in an incipient state during the early iron age expanded over the centuries as a result of internal dynamics and external impetus involving the demand for goods in other parts of the subcontinent as well as the Mediterranean region. It was a network across land and seas with long-distance traders in the middle and unevenly developed people at either side. Thus, the megalithic people as the hunter-gatherers and shifting cultivators of iron age also had active participation in the exchange network. |
→ Social Organisation and Settlement Pattern
→ Social Organisation and Settlement Pattern
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What does burial variation imply about status ranking, population size, houses and settlement distribution? | Heterogeneity, Ranking, Village Life and Locational Logic: It is not archaeology but anthropology which provides us evidence to assume the possibility of production relations transcending clan ties and kinship in such remote periods of tribal descent groups. They point to the material culture of diverse forms of subsistence such as hunting/gathering and shifting cultivation besides the production of a few craft-goods. The variations observed in the external and internal features of the burials reflect that the iron age society of the megalithic people was not a homogenous entity. Some of the relatively huge burial types are suggestive of status differentiation and ranking of the buried individuals. Differences in the types and contents of the burials suggest that there was some sort of disparity in the attributes of the buried individuals. The number of more elaborate burials like the multi-chambered rock-cut tombs at many sites are limited. Moreover, these have yielded rare artefacts made of bronze or gold. On the other hand, many of the burials are simple urn burials with a very few artefacts. The variety, high quality and fineness of ceramic goods in huge burials including the elaborate urn burials are also suggestive of the difference in social status. An individual treatment at death bears some predictable relationship to the individual’s state in life and to the organisation of the society to which the individual belonged. The megalithic people lived in villages consisting of a sizeable population. Though they had a bias for the urban life, they were slow in building huge cities like their contemporaries in the Gangetic Valley. The large size of the population is indicated by the organised mass of manual labour that was available for transporting and housing massive blocks of stone in the construction of cists, dolmens and other types of megaliths, or in erecting large rubble and earthen mounds across the water courses for storing up rain waters for irrigational purposes. The large size of population is further attested by the fact that extensive burial grounds with numerous graves, many of them containing the remains of more than one individual, and occasionally of as many as 20 or more individuals, have been found. The houses in which the megalithic people lived probably consisted of huts with thatched or reed roofs, supported on wooden posts as indicated by the presence of postholes in the excavated sites. At **Brahmagiri** and **Maski** were found postholes indicating the presence of timber construction for ordinary buildings. An increase in the size and number of settlements during megalithic period from the preceding neolithic/chalcolithic phase and growing use of different metallic resources was certainly not an independent development. This can be observed in the effect of the spread of plough cultivation which produced major alterations in the structure and distribution of settlements. An analysis on the locational context and the distribution patterns of these sites strongly indicates a growing inclination towards intensive-field method. The maximum concentration of sites in river valleys and basins and preference shown towards occupying black soil, red sandy-loamy soil zones also supports this contention. The distribution pattern of these sites in rainfall zones where the average annual precipitation is `600`–`1500 mm` also hints to the same conclusion. Village transhumance was present on the basis of the location of most of the settlement sites on the banks of rivers and that of most of the burial sites within a distance of `10`–`20 km` from major water resources. |
→ Religious Beliefs and Practices
→ Religious Beliefs and Practices
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What cult of the dead, animism and Sangam-period continuities characterise megalithic religion? | Cult of the Dead, Animism and *Virakal*/*Mastikal* Continuity: The elaborate architecture of their graves, the grave goods and other metal and stone objects throw light on the religious beliefs of megalithic people. The megalithic people had great veneration for the dead as they constructed these monuments with great effort and devotion. They believed that the dead had a life after death and the living had to provide them with their necessities. The grave goods indicate that they belonged to the dead man in life and since they were required for his/her use in the other world, they were buried along with the mortal remains. All these certainly reflect that the ‘cult of the dead’ had a strong hold on the people. The grave goods represented the affection and respect of the living for their dead. Their belief in animism is reflected in animistic cults. This is evident by the occurrence of animal bones of domestic animals like cattle, sheep/goats and the wild animals like wolf in the megaliths. It seems that these animals were killed for the funeral-feast and the skeletal remains were buried in the graves, or they were sacrificed and buried in the graves to supply food for the dead. Animism is also reflected by terracotta figurines of animals decorated with garlands and ornaments. Sangam literature, which is contemporaneous with the end phase of the megalithic culture in South India, also throws light on the different methods of disposal of the dead prevalent among the megalithic people. Many of the earlier beliefs continued during the Sangam age. So, we may assume that the religious practices referred to in the Sangam literature reflect, to an extent, those that prevailed among the megalithic people. The tradition of associating stone with the dead has survived in South India till late times and the herostones or the *Virakal* or the *Mastikal* are examples of this. |
→ Polity: Chiefdoms and Heroic Culture
→ Polity: Chiefdoms and Heroic Culture
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How do burial ranking, Sangam terms and predatory raiding illuminate megalithic political power? | Chiefdoms, *Perumakan*, Plundering Raids and Hero Cult: The differences in the size of the monuments and the nature of the grave valuables reflecting differentiation in status and ranking also suggest the nature of contemporary political power. The construction of a huge monument involving the mobilisation of substantial collective labour implies the power of the buried individual to command it. In the light of the fact that the contemporary people were tribal descent groups, we may assume the prevalence of chiefly power, i.e. chiefdoms. The late phase of the megalithic culture coincides with the Early historical period as reflected by the excavation at many sites. So, the Sangam works also help us in understanding the period. The chief of the tribal group is referred to as *perumakan* (great son) in the literary texts. He commanded the entire personal, material and culture resources of his clan. This attests that these elaborate burials probably were of the chiefs or descent heads. The tribal pattern of the distribution of power was simple and involved no hierarchy, though the chiefs, their heirs and warriors had a privileged status. However, this differentiation in status was too flexible to be made out as a stratification. There is no plausible evidence showing the existence of a class-structured society anywhere in South India even by the mid-first millennium A.D., which is the upper date to the megaliths. Therefore, the existence of tribal descent groups as a stratified society with aristocrats seems inconceivable. The period of these huge monuments hardly crosses the last two or three centuries before Christ. This period witnessed numerous small chiefdoms co-existing and contesting against one another and anticipating the emergence of big chiefdoms by the turn of the Christian era. The people under big chiefdoms also were in a social organisation based on clan kinship ties and a complex system of redistribution. From the references in Tamil heroic texts like *Purananuru*, it is evident that even the big chieftains, who had enjoyed prestigious status among many other chieftains, were also given urn burials. So, in a way all burials including the most commonly seen urn burials represent individuals or groups with some status and ranking as headmen or kinsfolk. Thus, it can be assumed that even urn burials were of chiefly type. Sometimes memorial stones (*natukal*) were erected over the urn burials of great chieftains and warriors. However, the huge multi-chambered rock-cut tombs are not mentioned anywhere in the literary texts, probably because the practice of erecting such elaborate burials must have become uncommon by that time. Some of the chiefdoms must have been bigger depending upon their human strength, resource control and exchange relations. This is testified by the prestige goods and varieties of ceramics and other artefacts found in the graves. The megalithic people had been interacting and exchanging material and cultural goods with one another. There was need-oriented and use-value based interaction at the level of clans. But at the level of chiefs it was competitive and hence combative process of plundering raids, both inter-clan and intra-clan, led by chiefs for predatory control. This led to subjugation of one chief by the other which in turn helped the emergence of bigger chiefs and the formations of bigger chiefdoms. These armed fights among the clans must have resulted in the death of many chiefs and warriors. Probably, this was the reason for erecting numerous sepulchral monuments during the megalithic period. This also accounts for the emergence of the cult of heroism and ancestral worship. Through armed confrontation and predatory subjugation the cultural and political power of a few chiefdoms became more evolved over the years and they emerged as bigger chiefdoms. We can infer that the last phase of the megalithic period which is contemporaneous to the Sangam period marked the march towards bigger chiefdoms as mentioned in Tamil heroic texts. |
→ Legacy of the Megalithic Culture
→ Legacy of the Megalithic Culture
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Among which tribes does megalithism survive, and what does Toda practice preserve of the older burial tradition? | Living Tradition in Central, Eastern and North-Eastern India and the Nilgiris: Megalithism is still alive amongst different tribes in India, for example the Maria Gonds of Bastar in Madhya Pradesh, the Bondos and Gadabas of Orissa, the Oraons and Mundas of Chotanagpur region of Jharkhand, and the Khasis and Nagas of Assam. Their monuments, which are of a memorial nature, include dolmens, stone-circles and menhirs. The North-east Indian megalithic culture seems to have a South-east Asian affiliation rather than the western influence. In South Indian context, the remnants of megalithism among the Todas of Nilgiris are very significant. It helps us in understanding the probable customs that existed among the now extinct megalithic builders of South India. The existing burial practices of the Todas include many common features of the megalithic burials with grave goods including food items and the use of stone circles to mark the place of the burial. |
→ Limitations of the Sources
→ Limitations of the Sources
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What source problems constrain reconstruction of everyday megalithic life and settlement patterns? | Burial Bias, Literary Limits and Habitation Gap: The major problem that comes in our way of studying the megalithic culture is the form in which the sources are available to us. Firstly, as almost the whole of our evidence is collected from the burials, the knowledge about the conditions and methods of their everyday life is necessarily limited to the evidence supplied by their grave furniture and the various inferences that can be drawn from the observation of the architecture of the graves and connected considerations. The literary evidences which include the accounts of Graeco-Roman writers and the ancient Tamil texts (Sangam literature) have their own limitations as their period marks the end phase of the megalithic culture. Vertical digging in excavations of different habitation sites with aim to unfold the cultural sequence of these sites provides us with evidence which is scanty and limited in nature. The remains of living quarters found close to the burial site in the second phase of the excavation include the ruins of a rampart in **Adichanallur**. Moreover, the lack of settlement remains associated with the burials is the frequently raised issue in the context of the peninsular Indian megaliths. Due to the absence of habitation sites in regions like Kerala, the analysis of the settlement pattern of the megalithic culture has become a difficult task. The settlement sites could have provided a variety of evidence in addition to the stratigraphic data for separating periods of various culture strands, thus making the reconstruction of the cultural history of megalithic people more elusive. Some have even questioned the authenticity of the megaliths as a burial. |
→ Megalithic Culture as Foundational Phase of Peninsular India
→ Megalithic Culture as Foundational Phase of Peninsular India
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| In what ways is megalithic culture a foundational phase for the history of peninsular India? | Sedentary Life, Iron, Crafts, Metallurgy, Trade, Rock Paintings and Community Endeavour: Megalithic culture can be considered a foundational phase of the history of peninsular India in the following ways. **Beginning of sedentary life:** Megalithic communities lived on a combination of agriculture, hunting, fishing, and animal husbandry. There is also evidence of craft traditions. These features, along with the megalithic monuments themselves, suggest sedentary living. **Widespread use of iron:** Iron objects generally outnumber objects made of other metals. The large volume and variety of iron artefacts include utensils, weapons (arrowheads, spearheads, swords, knives, etc.), carpentry tools (axes, chisels, adzes, etc.), and agricultural implements (sickles, hoes, coulters). **Well-developed traditions of specialized crafts:** Different kinds of pottery have been found, including BRW. There is also evidence of bead making. Grave goods include etched carnelian beads and beads of other materials as well. There are copper and bronze artefacts such as utensils, bowls, and bangles; a few silver and gold ornaments also occur. **Development of metallurgy:** Different sorts of metallurgical techniques were used in the manufacture of metal artefacts. Some of the copper and bronze objects were evidently cast in moulds, others were hammered into shape. Some communities knew how to alloy metals. There is also evidence of local smelting of iron at **Paiyampalli** (Karnataka). **Beginning of trade:** Some megalithic sites were centres of craft production linked to networks of exchange. This is suggested by the location of several large megalithic settlements on the trade routes of the early historical period. Interregional trade is also suggested by the distribution of non-local items of precious metals and semi-precious metals. **Rock paintings:** Paintings found at the megalithic sites show fighting scenes, cattle raids, hunting scenes, scenes of people dancing in groups, horse raiders, flora, birds, sun motifs etc. **Community work:** The construction of the megaliths must have involved community endeavour. These monuments must have been sites of rituals that formed an important part of the social and cultural lives of people. The practice of making megaliths continues among certain tribal communities of India. |
UPSC Relevance
UPSC Relevance
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What GS-1 angles does the Vedic Age supply for UPSC Mains? | Key Angles UPSC Targets:
|
Mains Perspective
Mains Perspective
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| Evaluate whether the Aryan ‘invasion’ can be sustained as a historical category. | Invasion as a Historical Category: The older model that Indo-Aryans destroyed Harappan towns and founded a new civilization rests on Rigvedic hymns to Indra as *Purandara* and on occasional West Asian–Indian artefact parallels. Archaeology does not document large-scale destruction by an alien invading group, does not place PGW along a Punjab–Bahawalpur invasion corridor, and shows Late Harappan and PGW together without breaks at Bhagwanpura, Dadheri and Manda. Most historians therefore replace invasion with several waves of Indo-Aryan migration, in which horse, chariot and military technology may have conferred initial political dominance in the land of the seven rivers without equating ‘Aryan’ with any pottery type, ethnicity or race. |
| Analyse the process of Later Vedic eastward expansion as both cultural legend and material change. | Expansion as Process: Later Vedic expansion from Panjab across the Ganga–Yamuna doab into Koshala and Videha is recoverable both from texts and from nearly 700 first-occupation PGW sites with iron weapons. The *Shatapatha Brahmana* legend of Agni and Videha Mathava at the Sadanira (Gandak) encodes land clearance by burning and warrior-peasant colonization, possibly supplemented by iron axes (*shyama ayas*) at sites such as Atranjikhera and Jakhera — even while some scholars deny that iron tools drove social change because agricultural iron implements are fewer than weapons. Success in this second phase is attributed to iron weapons and horse-drawn chariots against relatively sparse copper-using and black-and-red / ochre-ware opponents. |
| Evaluate the transformation of Early Vedic tribal polity into Later Vedic territorial kingship. | From *Rajan* to Ritual Kingship: Early Vedic polity centred on a kinship-based *jana*, a *rajan* limited by *sabha*/*samiti*/*vidatha*, voluntary *bali*, and a non-permanent tribal army. Later Vedic polity registered hereditary succession, divine kingship ideas, *janapada*/*rashtra* territoriality, obligatory tribute via *sangrihitri*, domination of assemblies by nobles and brahmanas, exclusion of women from *sabha*, and complex kingship rituals (*Rajasuya*, *Ashwamedha*, *Vajapeya*) that ritualised contests, mobilised resources, and equated the *raja* with Indra and Prajapati. Yet a full territorial state with standing army and bureaucracy had not emerged; the process culminated only with the sixteen *mahajanapadas* of the sixth century B.C. |
| Critically examine the pastoral-to-agrarian shift and the iron technology debate. | Economy and Technology: Literary *gau*-centred vocabulary and R. S. Sharma’s lexical argument establish overwhelming importance of cattle, while R. N. Nandi’s content analysis of agricultural references shows farming was not merely marginal or non-Aryan. Later Vedic mixed farming in the fertile doab, rice as staple (*Vrihi*, *Tandula*, *Sali*), and sedentary PGW deposits mark the pastoral-to-agrarian transition. The iron debate remains open: earlier scholars credited socketed axes and iron ploughshares with clearing the doab; archaeology shows weapons dominate finds, Bihar ores unexploited, primitive smelting, and agricultural iron rare until the second half of the first millennium B.C., so subsistence impact of iron was practically nil in Later Vedic times while military impact was real. |
| Assess the golden-age view of Vedic women against gender analysis. | Women: Rhetoric and Structure: Nationalist golden-age claims rest on goddesses, women *rishis* (Viswavara, Apala, Lopamudra, Ghosa), ritual co-participation, and assembly attendance. Gender analysis dissolves the unitary category of ‘women’, stresses household hierarchies, control of sexuality and reproduction, and notes that 12–15 hymns out of over 1,000, absence of women priests, and lack of independent *dana*/*dakshina* roles show limited access to sacred learning and material resources. Later Vedic deterioration — exclusion from *samiti*, no property rights, daughter as source of sorrows, hierarchical kinship — coexists with exceptions such as Gargi and Maitreyi, confirming that Early Vedic was never fully egalitarian nor Later Vedic fully closed. |
| Evaluate the Vedas (Sruti literature) as a source for reconstructing Indo-Aryan history. | *Sruti* as Historical Source: The Vedas are *sruti* (“what is heard”), *apauruseya* (impersonal, authorless) revelations, and the oldest layer of Sanskrit literature — but they are elite Brahmanical religious texts, not popular literature, with few explicit historical events. Historiography has moved from nationalist idealisation through Marxist unilinear models to nuanced textual analysis. Practical limits include uncertain dating (roughly c. `1200–1000 BCE` or `1500–1000 BCE` for earliest *Rig Veda* sections; earliest manuscripts only from the `11th century CE`), oral transmission, lack of critical editions identifying the original core, variable word meanings, and difficulty of correlating text with archaeology. Usable yields are geographically bounded: family books (Books 2–7; seer-poets Grit-samada, Vishvamitra, Vamadeva, Atri, Bharadvaja, Vasishtha) for *sapta-sindhu*; later Vedic texts for the Indo-Gangetic plain and upper Ganga Valley — e.g. the battle of ten kings on the Parushni (Ravi), fluid tribal alliances, *sabha*/*samiti* under the *Rajan*, and socio-economic references to cattle, agriculture, crafts and slavery — always to be juxtaposed carefully with archaeological evidence. |
| Analyse the structure of Vedic literature and the philosophical shift embodied in the Upanishads. | Literary Structure and Upanishadic Philosophy: Each of the four Vedas (*Rigveda* — 1,028 hymns in 10 *mandalas*; *Samaveda* — Rigvedic verses set to tune; *Yajurveda* — hymns plus public/individual rituals reflecting social-political milieu; *Atharvaveda* — magic spells/charms, light on non-Aryan beliefs) is sub-classified into *Samhitas*, *Brahmanas*, *Aranyakas* (*karma-kanda*) and *Upanishads* (*jnana-kanda*; *Vedanta*). Central Upanishadic concepts are *Brahman* (Ultimate Reality) and *Atman* (Soul/Self), unified in *Tat tvam asi* (‘Thou art That’), with development from personal Prajapati to impersonal *Brahman*. New elements include rebirth/transmigration (first form in *Brihadaranyaka Upanishad* — even gods, animals, insects and plants under the same law) and *karma* determining next birth and social lot. The *Upanishads* demand knowledge for salvation, denounce salvation by action or faith, and require elimination of selfish desires; all Indian philosophical systems, heretical or orthodox — including the systems of Samkara and Ramanuja — spring from this base. |
| Comment on varna as theoretical model and the long-term jati transition. | *Varna* Theory and *Jati* Practice: *Purusha-sukta* and *Dharmashastra* construct a birth-based hierarchical endogamous order, but early Vedic mobility hymns, *apad-dharma*, *Anuloma*/*Pratiloma* discussions, Buddhist *ukkatthajati*/*hinajati* vocabulary, Jataka occupational switches, and non-kshatriya rulers (Nandas, Mauryas, Sakas, Kushanas as *vrata-kshatriyas*) show the model was never an actual description of society. Post-Mauryan *vratya* and *varnasamkara* devices, *Nirukta*’s *shudra jati*, Olivelle’s observation on purity language, and Satavahana claims to restore *varnashramadharma* mark the crystallisation of *jati* under *varna* categories: upgrading became virtually impossible, falling became easier, yet social mobilisation never disappeared. |
| Evaluate the South Indian megalithic culture as the Iron Age foundation of peninsular India. | Megalithic Cultures as Foundational Phase: South Indian megaliths — large-stone sepulchral, commemorative and ritual monuments (Greek *megas*+*lithos*), excluding hero stones — form a full-fledged Iron Age culture whose time bracket may be placed between `1000 B.C.` and `A.D. 100`, with maximum popularity c. `600 B.C.`–`A.D. 100`, radiocarbon anchors at Hallur (`1000 B.C.`), Vidarbha Naikund–Takalghat (c. `600 B.C.`), Paiyampalli (c. `4th c. B.C.`), and North Karnataka as early as `1200 B.C.`, and ceramic association with BRW throughout and rouletted ware at the upper end. Origin is linked to Dravidian speakers from West Asia by sea, yet material–chronological contrast with West Asian bronze megaliths (ending c. `1500 B.C.`) and north–south Indian differences favour dual arrival routes — sea from the Gulf of Oman to the west coast and land from Iran — with concentration south of the Godavari and parallels from Burzahom, Leh, Karachi, Bihar, UP and Rajasthan. Eight burial classes (rock-cut caves of Cochin/Malabar; *kudaikallu*/*toppikkal*; menhirs/*nadukal*/alignments/avenues including Vangchhia’s 171 stones; dolmenoid and slab cists at Sanur and Marayur; cairn circles with pit, sarcophagus and urn variants; stone circles; pit urn burials without surface megaliths; barrows) encode primary terracotta-sarcophagus and secondary urn/pit disposal, community labour and status ranking without class stratification. Economy combined tank-irrigation agriculture (rice staple; Paiyampalli pulses/ragi), cattle pastoralism, hunting–fishing, specialised crafts (iron smelting at Paiyampalli; BRW–RCPW pottery; Mahurjhari–Kodumanal beads), and expanding land–sea exchange by the `3rd c. B.C.` (Arikamedu amphora/rouletted ware). Polity of clan chiefdoms (*perumakan*; *Purananuru* urn burials of great chieftains; predatory raids) and a cult of the dead/heroism (*virakal*/*mastikal*; rock paintings of cattle raids and group dancing at Hire Benkal) anticipate Sangam-age big chiefdoms, while living megalithism among Todas of the Nilgiris and North-Eastern tribes underlines continuity. Source limits — burial-biased evidence, end-phase Sangam/Graeco-Roman literature, scarce habitation sites (e.g. Kerala) — constrain everyday reconstruction, yet the package of sedentary mixed economy, widespread iron, metallurgy, craft specialisation, interregional trade and community ritual still makes megalithic culture the foundational phase of peninsular Indian history. |
I'll read the specified range in Mains_notes.md and convert the Rig Vedic & Later Vedic society material into VitePress Cornell Notes with zero detail loss.I'll check existing Cornell Notes examples so the new sections match the project's VitePress structure.Checking the existing Vedic Age notes format and whether women/society sections already exist.Reviewing existing women and economy sections for exact format parity.Here is the zero-loss Cornell Notes conversion from the Rig Vedic & Later Vedic material in lines 1–325 (Ghosha is the only named woman seer in that range; Apala/Lopamudra do not appear there).
13. Position of Women in Rig Vedic Society
13. Position of Women in Rig Vedic Society
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| How did nineteenth-century reformers and nationalist historians construct a ‘golden age’ of women in Rig Vedic society, and why? | Views of the ‘Golden Age’ of Women in Rig Vedic Society:
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| How has recent scholarship reframed the study of women’s status through gender relations rather than a vague ‘status of women’? | Changing Nature of the Study of the Status of Women:
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| What does a critical reading of the Rig Veda show about goddesses, hymns by women, women priests, and material control? | Position of Women in Rig Vedic Society — Critical Assessment:
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| What do Rig Vedic marriage norms, Ghosha, and the elopement hymn reveal about women’s agency? | Marriage, Remarriage, Ghosha, and Male Dominance:
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→ Later Vedic Social and Economic Conditions: Agriculture, Land, Labour and Gifts
→ Later Vedic Social and Economic Conditions: Agriculture, Land, Labour and Gifts
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| How did Later Vedic literature register greater complexity in agriculture and land rights? | Overall Complexity; Agriculture; Rights over Land; Labour:
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| What do dana-stutis and land-gift stories reveal about wealth, king–priest relations, and ambivalence toward land grants? | Gifts (Dana-stutis) and Gift of Land:
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→ Use of Iron and 6–12 Oxen Ploughs in Later Vedic Agriculture
→ Use of Iron and 6–12 Oxen Ploughs in Later Vedic Agriculture
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What are the earliest literary references to iron in the Indian subcontinent, and how is iron named? | Use of Iron — Terminology and Earliest References:
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| How do the Taittiriya Samhita’s 6–12 oxen ploughs and related texts link iron to agriculture (c. 1000–500 BCE)? | Use of Iron in Agriculture — 6 or 12 Oxen Ploughs:
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→ Craft Specialisation and Yajurveda Occupations (Purushamedha Lists)
→ Craft Specialisation and Yajurveda Occupations (Purushamedha Lists)
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What artisans and craft specialisation appear in Later Vedic texts? | Crafts and Occupations — General Artisans:
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| List every occupation named among purushamedha victims in the Vajasaneyi Samhita and Taittiriya Brahmana. | Yajurveda / Purushamedha Occupation List (Vajasaneyi Samhita and Taittiriya Brahmana):
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| What additional vocations are mentioned in other Later Vedic texts? | Vocations in Other Later Vedic Texts:
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| What modes of transport, trade, coinage, and urban traces characterise Later Vedic material life? | Mode of Transportation; Trade, Coinage and Urbanisation:
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→ Education, Leisure, Food, Clothes and Ornaments in Later Vedic Society
→ Education, Leisure, Food, Clothes and Ornaments in Later Vedic Society
| Cue Words | Notes |
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| What subjects of study and educational institutions does Later Vedic literature describe? | Education and Learning:
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| What leisure pastimes, performers, and instruments are mentioned, including shailusha and vansha-nartin? | Leisure:
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| What foods, beverages, clothing, and ornaments characterise Later Vedic material culture? | Food; Clothes; Ornaments:
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→ Problems in Using the Vedas (Sruti) as Historical Sources
→ Problems in Using the Vedas (Sruti) as Historical Sources
| Cue Words | Notes |
|---|---|
| What does Sruti mean, and what are the main problems in using the Vedas as historical sources? | Definition of Sruti; Problems in Using the Vedas as Historical Sources:
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| To what extent can the Vedas still be used as historical sources, and what concrete details do they yield? | Extent of Use as Historical Sources:
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Source note: In lines 1–325 of Mains_notes.md, the only named Rig Vedic woman seer is Ghosha (unmarried seer). Apala and Lopamudra do not appear in that range; they are already named in the existing 3.vedic-age.md golden-age paragraph if you want them merged later. Looking at existing English Cornell Notes examples so the conversion matches the project's format exactly.Here is the zero-loss Cornell conversion of lines 501–665: